Oh Canada, the Climate Criminal

George Monbiot is one of my heroes.

The breadth of clarity he brings to issues is quite refreshing. He has finally given in to pressure, thankfully, to start taking shots at our wonderful, glorious, selfless, polite and all-around loving country.

Canada is a climate criminal. Stephen Harper and the Conservative-Liberal coalition government are the don and mob standing guard for the tar sands, not thee, or thee, or thee, or anyone else who has to live on the planet.

It’s not brain surgery. We have all this dirty oil that takes insane amounts of energy to extract and process. It is environmentally devastating and requires oil to sell beyond a reasonably high price to justify the billions of dollars of investment to get at it. And peak oil’s supply crunch should provide that high oil price.

That sure sounds like the better mousetrap!

Except that we’re trying to get off oil as it is. And here sits Canada, poised to become an even greater pariah state than any of the OPEC nations or Axis of Evil members because we want to further aggravate climate breakdown by processing more oil so we can get rich. Screw everyone else, the ice caps, ice shelves, glaciers, sea level residents, the poor, etc.

We can finally be a world power, but not in a good way.

Bad Canada. Bad.

Almost a century and a half of reasonable progressiveness that makes us all think that on the whole, Canada is a swell chum. But when we look at how easy it is to suck all that gunk out of the prairies, embrace the cash and screw everyone else, maybe it’s time we started to think of our nation not so much as good, with some bad times [residential schools, cultural genocide, internment camps, disenfranchisement, supporting foreign evil-doers], but on the whole bad, with aberrations of niceness [peacekeeping, apologizing too much, Anne Murray].

So let’s make the bad man stop.

Stephen Harper’s email address is HarpeS@parl.gc.ca

His phone number in Ottawa is 1.613.992.4211 and at his constituency office, you can call him at 1.403.253.7990.

His Conservative-Liberal coalition co-leader is Michael Ignatieff, whose email address is IgnatM@parl.gc.ca

His phone number in Ottawa is 1.613.995.9364 and at his constituency office, you can call him at 1.416.251.5510.

You need to contact these criminals this week because the Copenhagen climate summit starts on the weekend and we can’t be the deal breaker. None of us could live with ourselves if we let it happen.

I suggest you email them both with explicit instructions to agree to the highest level of cooperation possible, not the minimum, and that we have to resist tar sands free lunch and leave it in the ground because there’s a catch: everyone pays, and we don’t want to be the ones delivering the bill.

And when you call their office, be nice to their staff because they are having to field the calls of thousands of angry Canadians.

Exercise your democracy and free speech, because everyone else’s hope for a better life for themselves and their descendants is depending on us not to ruin Copenhagen.

Then, on 12.12.09 find or start a vigil and gather to encourage world leaders to not destroy our descendants’ quality of life through greed, selfishness, fear or inaction. Time is running out.

BC NDP Convention Minus 5 Days: Why We’re the Natural Governing Party of BC

I had this amazing daydream a few weeks after we failed to win the election last May.

The NDP is the naturally governing party of BC, so when the legislature was to open earlier this fall/summer, the NDP MLAs should stroll in there and behave as if we actually represent the poorest 95% of British Columbians, which we do, and we should do our best to represent them.

And truly, the MLAs are taking it to the streets this session, for sure. Being critics, challenging the government on its priorities and process are reflective of the masses who have been suffering for this whole decade.

But we really should embrace a humility and a public service mode to recognize that we represent the values of most citizens and we should act as if we are governing. It’s just that we can’t pass legislation.

This goes along with this idea I have that behaviour in parliament is a joke, with all the “grand traditions” of idiocy and compromises to actual debate that so many people claim to be an unquestionable tradition.

But honestly, I have never seen a school board, NGO or even city council meeting operate like our provincial leaders. But reforming the operation of the Westminster Parliamentary System is on my list of long-term reform goals.

In the short term, we start with the reality that most working people in this province are being abused by the government. Tiny lures of tax cuts are combined with user fee increases.

Token, cynical concessions to the poorest British Columbians are matched by massive service cuts.

In the end, the intentional defunding of the BC government is designed to undermine the progressive tax system, reduce the tax burden of the rich and bilk the middle class.

The NDP is rich in convention-passed resolutions framing our party’s beliefs. They exist to represent working people in the province and do not cater to the richest 5% that the Liberals worship.

I would direct you to BC NDP policy on our website, except that it is only available in the internal section where party activists can log in to view the resolutions passed by conventions over the last 30 years. This policy needs to be on the outside of the website for members, the public, the Liberals, the media…EVERYONE…to see it so that we can say to the world that we follow our policy.

Not doing so reduces our credibility, which we saw in abundance in how we lost the last election. Our members chose to not vote and risked Campbell getting in again to avoid voting for us. It doesn’t really get any worse for a political party than that.

My first goal upon being elected to the provincial executive is to make sure everyone knows what we stand for. I’ve read our policy documents. I read our campaign platform during the last election. But you shouldn’t have to take my word for it that we represent the majority of British Columbians.

But beyond internal party problems, why don’t most citizens vote for us when we actually represent them?

Well, why did millions of poor Americans vote against their economic interest this decade by supporting Bush as he abused them like Campbell is abusing the working classes of BC?

Fear.

The neoliberals have scared the pants off of citizens with the idea that an NDP government would bankrupt everyone.

Since someone in the NDP is still afraid of the phrase “fast ferries,” the party in general has not spent this decade having monthly lunch meetings with the dozens of progressive economists in BC to bone up on economics. It’s not like the CCPA hasn’t been coming up with innovative alternative budgets every year!

We should be able to clean the Liberals’ cobweb logic. What kind of justification in the universe is there to build BC Ferries in Germany while our industry languishes?

And if you get our your mental calculator and zoom into Burrard Inlet on Google Earth, you can make your little camera zoom from where the fast ferries are parked, and glide over the water to the new convention centre and every second you can tick away the dollars. The new convention centre cost overrun basically matches the fast ferries. So what are we afraid of?

There seems to be a rule in politics to never apologize for the past, never to admit mistakes. Maybe because we’re afraid that the other side will point out that we screwed up.

Well we did screw up. The fast ferries don’t fit BC’s geography. And we knew it.

But who knew it? A bunch of people who aren’t in the party right now. I disagreed with the boats back then and I do now. Integrity means admitting mistakes. What do we owe former party leaders who screwed up? We owe ourselves and our children more integrity than we owe loyalty to the past.

Here’s another mistake. As much as the party had some valid criticism of the Liberals’ specific carbon tax legislation, the Axe the Tax campaign failed almost from the beginning, in part because of the awful coincidence that gas prices went through the roof around the time of the introduction of the tax, making a criticism of a 2 cent tax petty.

Oh yes, the NDP has affirmed policies supporting a carbon tax consistently for this whole decade. So the other reason why the campaign failed was because our party actually wants a large and effective carbon tax, despite the feelings of whoever decided on that campaign.

So. Where does this leave us?

We have lots of policy that most citizens would embrace:

  • framing the economy to serve human beings and not maximizing offshore corporate shareholder wealth
  • investing in human services and not cutting healthcare and education
  • reframing all government policy so that it fits a grand regulatory plan to avert climate breakdown, since we only have a few years left to turn our economy around before we’re past the point of no return
  • everything else we love about social, human, economic, environmental and political justice and equality…something the Liberals hate as they pander to greed and elitism.

So we need to post our policy and be proud of it.

We need to acknowledge that the fast ferries were a mistake and reflected bad decision-making among people who haven’t been in the party in a decade. We need to throw them under the bus. Right now.

We need to recognize that good policies designed to avert climate breakdown reflect our values and we need to educate people and bring them along to recognize how domestic food security and bioregional economic development are critical to cutting down on carbon usage. Oh yes, and peak oil is either here now or close by so we need to pro-actively get off oil.

Sounds simple.

Apparently it’s pretty hard though, but that’s just not good enough for me.

So, I’m running for one of the 6 Vice-President positions of the BC NDP to do these “simple” things and sift through whatever rationalizations have kept the party from working with integrity.

In the end, whatever explanation exists for why the party has screwed up the carbon tax, fast ferries and a myriad of other problems, none of them hold water. Why? Because they’re justifications for compromises designed for us to win the election.

We haven’t won an election this decade. So with some pretty simple hindsight, our tactics have failed and are continuing to fail.

If we keep the same tactics and expect a different result, we’re mad.

I’m not mad. And clearly, neither are the members who didn’t show up to donate time, money and their vote to getting us in power.

It’s time for the BC NDP to behave according to its principles so we can properly represent the values and interests of the majority of British Columbians who should feel eager to support us.

If they don’t it’s not their fault, it’s ours.

And I’ve had enough of that.

Fixing the BC NDP

I have been away from updating my editorials for several weeks now as I’ve been working hard on Think Forward BC NDP.

What is Think Forward BC NDP?

Well, the party is in a transition moment. It lost the election on May 12, 2009. A few thousand votes in key ridings would have meant a win. It was our election to lose and we lost it.

We, as a party, have not embraced 21st century populist grassroots democracy. Our structure is 20th century, from an era where electoral politics was the only game in town and only massive NGOs existed. Today, people are cynical and reject electoral politics, form their own nimble, resilient, grassroots NGOs and actually change the world.

The BC NDP needs to become the electoral wing of a progressive social movement in BC.

It needs to open up its operations and deliberations not only to members, but to the progressive population of BC. The BC neoLiberals effectively represent the richest 5% of British Columbians. The values of the NDP actually do reflect the values of the poorest 95% of us all. It’s just that we’re having trouble translating that into an effective party.

Our members feel like donors. There is rampant alienation of people in every element of the party…alienated from everyone else in the party. Communication isn’t open or inclusive.

Donations were down, volunteers were down and voters showing up to vote were down.

Starting at about 835pm on May 12, 2009 I’ve talked with dozens of people in all aspects of the party and caucus. Dozens of people have joined in to carry on similar conversations about what to do about fixing the party.

Here’s what is in the core consensus document right now:

  1. We must build a social movement within the party.
  2. We must enhance democracy inside the party.
  3. We must follow and implement party values.
  4. We must empower members and non-members.
  5. We must improve our relationship with the environment.
  6. We must improve our relationship with labour and other progressive groups.
  7. We must build a constructive relationship with progressive businesses.

Here’s how to fix the BC NDP. It’s quite simple, actually.

Ask people how to fix the party.

That’s it. Open a wide dialogue. Ask for everyone who belongs to the party to help transform the party into something is full of integrity, vibrancy and effectiveness for the 21st century.

No one actually has the key to fixing everything in the party. But all of us together do.

That’s it.

But we actually have to do it. Now!

So I’ve passed up on writing dozens of infuriated editorials since the BC legislature had its stealth opening in August with a budget drop before Labour Day when people were still vacationing.

I’ve been working the Think Forward thing.

So with about 5 weeks to the BC NDP convention, it’s time for everyone to look at the Think Forward consensus documents, in the draft version they are in today. We all need to look at them, say what we like and dislike, add ideas, trim out the garbage, figure out effective ways of implementing the principles and use the documents themselves as a springboard to living the kind of democratic participation that vibrant, robust political parties of the 21st century need to have.

No one “in charge” is responsible for doing this. WE ALL ARE! Every member, non-member supporter, member activist, volunteer, staff person, MLA…anyone who cares about progressive change in BC…we all need to start talking our way to a party we know has the integrity we need it to have.

In the meantime, the BC Liberals can continue to function by stealth as the autocratic cynicism machine it’s built itself into over the last couple decades. The BC NDP, however, has a tremendous opportunity to catalyze society into something we can be proud of by being open and inclusive.

And every party member knows at least one person who is so disaffected that they have quit or are pulling back, whether it’s because the party can’t actually admit that the fast ferries were a mistake or that supporting the Gateway Project and a new Port Mann Bridge, or opposing a Carbon Tax violate our actual democratically formed policies.

It’s time for us all to tell the truths about ourselves that need to be aired. We need to vent, to process our disillusionment and to step out and build a party that will build an economy that serves human beings and addresses the massive paradigm shift we need to make to avert climate breakdown…and all the other progressive goals we yearn to achieve.

So, swing by the Think Forward BC NDP website. Look at the current drafts of the philosophy and implementation documents. Join the dozens who’ve already submitted ideas and constructive criticism. Share the ideas with your friends and colleagues. Host coffee or dessert parties and talk about what kind of NDP you want to belong to, then add your ideas.

Because, honestly, if the members of the party don’t redefine the party, the party is already over.

Chinese Protectionism Offends Our Protectionism, Oh My!

We’re now entering a new era of profound hypocrisy from global neoliberal capitalists.

Today’s Globe and Mail had a cover story about China hoarding raw materials for infrastructure development while getting all protectionist with export controls to keep those materials from getting to the industrialized world, where presumably we deserve to have them more than the Chinese who happen to be able to afford them, what with their massive positive trade balance with the rapidly impoverishing United States.

Here are two more of China’s crimes: their new Buy China policy and new policies where “Chinese manufacturers get preferential access to [infrastructure materials] at cheap prices, forcing the rest of the world to pay more.”

While North America and Europe are confronting China’s new protectionism at the WTO, we learn that—shock!—we’re doing the same thing. In the same article, with no hint of irony, we read that “most industrialized countries have applied policies that can affect trade flows…such as toughened Buy American rules in the United States.”

And why not? In a global recession, stimulating the economy by spending money domestically—even with borrowing billions—contributes to a multiplier effect that enhances people’s incomes and economic stability instead of bleeding profits to off-shore tax havens where many global corporations are legally based.

Then we get more hypocritical indignation: China’s stance is “’part of the game that gets played in China,’ said Peter Morici, former chief economist at the U.S. International Trade Commission….‘It’s illegal and it violates WTO rules.’”

While protectionist measures do violate WTO neoliberal free trade agreements, there is nothing “illegal” about it. The WTO is not law, but a draconian clearinghouse of voluntary neoliberal agreements with binding penalties with which richer countries pummel poorer, more desperate countries.

Brazil violated intellectual property provisions when it broke international patent agreements to produce cheap HIV/AIDS drugs to keep people from dying. If that’s illegal, they’re certainly my kind of criminals.

Brazil and China’s actions are merely violating voluntary contractual agreements. They may endure penalties, or maybe not, what with the WTO losing teeth by the month. But sovereign nations are still sovereign nations with the right to develop internal policies. If those policies conflict with their WTO obligations, something will have to give.

My guess is that with the horribly stalled WTO negotiations, the global neoliberal trade regime, will continue to atrophy as peak oil undermines the affordability of global production chains.

So what we see now is a different kind of race: not a race to the bottom, but a race for states to empower their capacity to be bioregionally self-sufficient.

And if you think you’ll hear fewer stories of global economic protectionism, you need to go back to the 20th century because you won’t make it in this century with that framework.

via China hoarding building blocks to recovery, U.S. charges – The Globe and Mail.

Igg’s Empty Deal with Harper

In 2005, New Democrats turned corporate tax breaks of $4.6 billion into $1.6 billion for affordable housing, $1.5 billion for post-secondary education, $900 million for transit, $500 million for foreign aid and $100 million for pension protection.

In 2009, Michael Ignatieff could only manage a “blue ribbon panel” on Employment Insurance with limited scope that won’t report until September.

via What can you get to prop up a government? | NDP.

And since Paul Martin was the deadbeat prime minister who bailed on the Liberals’ agreement with the NDP causing the election in 2004, I can’t blame Igg personally for showing that the federal Liberals aren’t in it for suffering and needy Canadians.

But this arrangement satisfies a number of Liberal priorities:

  1. demonstrating that Igg has the semblance of a problem-solver
  2. promoting the appearance that the Liberals care about working people after a decade of neoliberal cuts to human supports
  3. making their base feel like their leadership has a heart
  4. delaying pulling the plug on parliament until after the summer when no one wants an election

So just as the Liberals ignored their promise to the NDP leading to the 2004 election, the Liberals can now come out after the summer to claim that Harper isn’t worthy of staying prime minister because either the working group isn’t working or whatever other recession-based argument he wants to make.

In the end, he is simply biding his time, enduring the personal attack ads from the ReformConservatives, allowing Harper to continue to not solve problems and waiting for the right time in the fall to crash parliament.

Once he gets his own minority government, we’ll see a continuation of the neoliberal anti-worker plan that began in 1995 and that the Canadian bankers and CCCE will insist upon since they kept the Liberals from entering into a coalition with the NDP.

And if the Bloc continues its hold on Quebec we’ll have no majority government. And if Igg earns a minority, he’ll either have the ReformConservatives or the NDP as supporters.

Igg is touting the merits of cooperation since he’s made parliament work. But when he’s a minority prime minister, expect his parliamentary supporter to get as much uncooperative behaviour as Martin offered 5 years ago.

Let’s just make sure that the NDP gets enough seats to qualify as partner so we can be the ones to try to force Igg to behave like an actual minority government prime minister.

Oil Status Quo Apologists Spin Weak Arguments

Maclean’s Colin Campbell has produced today an interesting counterpoint to my exuberance over Jeff Rubin’s convenient vindication of my peak oil killing neoliberal globalization thesis. And despite Rubin not knowing me, I fell it’s appropriate to defend him–and my–sense of the near future. My comments are indented.

Energy shock and oil myths

Will soaring prices crush globalization? Don’t bet on it.

Jeff Rubin was, for years, a lonely voice among economists when it came to predicting the price of oil. In 2007—when crude began the year at a relatively modest $50 a barrel—Rubin, then the chief economist at CIBC, all but staked his reputation on a prediction that oil was about to hit triple-digit prices and never look back. In his reports, speeches and even addresses to skeptical oil executives, he preached the end of the era of cheap fossil fuels. “The bottom line is, we’re in the bottom of the ninth inning of the hydrocarbon age,” he declared at a conference that year. Like any economic soothsayer, he had flubbed some calls in the past, but this, it seemed, was different. Oil prices kept rising just as he said they would until last summer, when the big spike hit and oil surged to over $140 a barrel. Rubin’s star rose right along with the price of crude.

This concept became Rubin’s preoccupation, and in his spare time—unbeknownst to his bosses at CIBC—he started writing a book about how the era of soaring oil prices would change the world profoundly and forever. This winter, Rubin told CIBC about the project and his plans to promote it, and the two decided to part ways. “I don’t think the message of this book is necessarily a message that any particular investment bank would want to be associated with,” said Rubin in an interview.

It’s easy to see why. Oil has since fallen back to about $60 a barrel, but Rubin is as certain as ever about the future of fossil fuels. In Why Your World is About to Get a Whole Lot Smaller, he argues that the current cool-down in prices is merely a brief respite before the next, even more severe spike. When the recession ends, “demand is likely to pop back up like a jack-in-the-box,” he writes. And, because “our whole way of life depends on the price at the pumps,” the disappearance of cheap oil could mark the end of life as we know it. Rubin subscribes to the notion of “peak oil”—a long-held hypothesis that production will soon max out and begin a long, slow descent, one that will bring about the end of cheap food, air travel, car culture, the potential disintegration of our tolerant society, and most importantly, the breakdown of the system of globalization.

- Ok, right here, I’m going to have to accuse Colin Campbell of some spin. Peak oil is not a notion. It has either already happened, will hit soon or will hit eventually. This is because oil is finite. It has to peak. I also don’t think it’s likely to be a long, slow descent. I suspect that with the volatility of oil prices of 2008, there could easily be more monstrous volatility in price and surprising elasticity in this staple of existence for the minority world. To imply notional status to peak oil, in quotes even, is to put Campbell on the path to denial like climate change deniers who I’m still happy to put in the same Venn diagram with holocaust deniers.

But there is a problem with the premise to which Rubin has attached his career and his reputation: a growing number of economists, and even environmentalists, say this dark scenario is flat-out wrong. It obsesses with counting how many barrels of oil are left in the ground. It also oversimplifies the powerful force of globalization, all the while ignoring some dramatic changes now unfolding; changes that could significantly reduce the world’s reliance on oil. New technologies, new forms of energy, and a new focus on conservation and efficiency are shifting us onto a dramatically different energy path. Your world is not about to get smaller, they say, but it is about to get a whole lot leaner.

- If we choose to not obsess about the number of barrels left in the ground, we can just count them. Then when they’re gone, they’re gone. Some time before that will be peak oil. And we go with counts from OPEC: they’ve been lying about their reserves for up to a few decades, which is why we don’t really know how much oil is left. The producers know, but “we” don’t. So how closely we count barrels may not really matter much.

- Oversimplifying globalization is a stretch of a criticism of the former chief economist of Podunk Bank. No, I meant CIBC World Markets. Rubin may understand better than everyone in the world except for a few hundred people the sophistication of globalization.

- Conservation, efficiencies, new technology and new energy forms are great. I love them. I want to see them all on-stream and making the world awesome in 12 months or less. In fact, I so want them to happen in the next 5 years or so to meet our last window to stop what the UN climate scientists have been warning about. Do I think corporate and thereby, political, will is capable of ensuring that, even with the nationalization of GM today? No. We’re more likely to bypass our proactive window and suffer radical energy and economic shocks. Humans are lazy, greedy and focussed on today more than saving or planning for tomorrow. Please, someone, prove me wrong so the Arctic ice cap doesn’t melt a few summers from now.

Two years ago, Peter Tertzakian, the chief energy economist for ARC Financial Corp., appeared as a guest on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart. Talking about a future energy crisis, Stewart posed one of his trademark, over-the-top questions: “How long do we have before masked madmen roam the cities with AK-47s, Mad Max style?” Tertzakian, who looks like a brainy version of Stewart with glasses and flecks of grey hair, cracked a lopsided smile. “It may not come to that,” he deadpanned. “The good news is that although these transition periods in energy are uncomfortable, usually we come out for the better.” Just as whale oil was replaced by kerosene, which was eventually replaced by today’s fossil fuels, another shift will come.

- Sure energy shifts do occur. Comparing the most profound reliance on one energy source in all of human existence, oil, to the transition from whale oil to kerosene to fossil fuels suggests the scale of economic/energy activity during all those shifts, as well as their effect on climate, are comparable. They’re far from comparable. That’s a terrible, self-serving analogy.

In his latest book, The End of Energy Obesity, Tertzakian goes even farther, arguing that escaping the energy trap may not be as difficult as it’s made out to be. Some relatively painless changes in our everyday behaviour could radically, and quickly, reduce the amount of oil we need, he says. Many of Tertzakian’s arguments actually closely parallel Rubin’s. Both authors trace the same historical problems with society’s oil addiction and how closely energy consumption has always been tied to wealth creation. And both see problems with past efforts to create energy efficiencies—ironically, past gains have only prompted people to use more energy. But Tertzakian sees the world heading off on a very different trajectory than Rubin.

- I loved the end of Gore’s movie because it showed a graph with curves of our intervention. We “could” change this, that and the other thing and avoid the 2 degree temperature increase that will put us over the climate edge. But will we? Tertzakian thinks it’s possible. So do I. But judging from the corporate-government cabal that is, at best, producing greenwashing, irrelevant plans to avert climate breakdown, I’m growing pessimistic. That really bugs me.

- But I will also suggest that such “relatively painless” changes are mythical. 20 years ago, many people were quite satisfied that recycling paper and containers will save the planet. Naive? Yes. Convenient? You bet. Then we grew to love Hummers and NASCAR.

Too often, says Tertzakian, writers and economists who subscribe to the doomsday scenarios are “trapped into thinking about energy in the energy realm.” He argues you first need to flip the problem on its head. The amount of energy we use is actually much less than the amount that’s extracted at the source, he says. For instance, of every 100 barrels of oil produced at the wellhead, only 15 barrels are ultimately used by the consumer. All the rest—85 barrels worth—is frittered away, whether in the refining process or in gas engines (where most of the fuel is burned off as heat, not power). The losses are even more dismal when it comes to electricity. For every 100 lb. of coal used to produce electricity, only two per cent reaches the light bulb in your house—98 lb. are lost, either escaping as heat in power lines and transfer stations, or wasted by inefficient appliances. That means small changes in behaviour to limit the amount of energy we use (or waste) ripple up through the system exponentially. “For every unit I don’t use at the wheel, I don’t have to find six units at the wellhead,” says Tertzakian. And for every unit of electricity that isn’t used, there’s a 50-times savings at the power plant. These inefficiencies are “our biggest failing when it comes to energy, but also our biggest opportunity,” he says.

- This whole paragraph presumes that the light bulb I don’t turn on today will allow the multiplied amount of energy to be stored so that it can be more productive way in the future at a lower multiplier level. Honestly, someone is going to turn on a light bulb tomorrow and it will be just as inefficient. If we left the tar sands oil in the ground…now THAT would make a difference!

Of course, the idea of cutting back energy use has long implied cutting back on our standard of living. But for the first time ever, that may no longer be true. New technologies emerging, not from the energy business, but out of California’s Silicon Valley, could make all the difference, says Tertzakian. Take Cisco’s new virtualization technology—a kind of futuristic version of Skype—that could dramatically reduce the need for people to travel and commute in the near future. Or “intelligent buildings” that can automatically monitor where people are and cut back unnecessary energy use. Other technologies have already started to change our habits, from the way we buy music to the way we get our news. These “very small changes in the way we live, work and play can amplify up into big changes in not needing energy at the source,” says Tertzakian.

- Technolust, Star Wars-loving capitalists often use the old dream that new technology will solve today’s unsolvable problems so we should just keep on being irresponsible because our future selves will save us. This is the height of immaturity.

- Fewer business flights, better power management in buildings, purchasing fewer physical CDs and newspapers are fantastic. They’re also drops in the bucket of what is contributing to climate breakdown. The public desperately wants to hear that putting on a sweater and turning down the heat will save the planet because we don’t want to admit what we’ve known for decades: the rich, minority world is using more energy and resources than everyone else and we’re destroying the planet with our footprint. 

Oil demand is already falling. The International Energy Agency said demand this year will fall by over 2.5 million barrels per day, the steepest drop since the early 1980s. Much of that is because of the recession—business is cutting production and people are buying less and therefore we’re consuming less energy. But there is also some evidence of these early technological changes at work, argues Tertzakian.

- I’m very excited about these technological changes. How many business flights must we choose to forego, however, to make a real dent in our climate breakdown contributions? All of them? How many times must we turn off the lights in the bathroom at work? All the time? Will that make that much of a difference? The trick is to figure out where the carbon emissions come from and stop those. Not just drop them 10%. The tar sands: we have to leave it all in the ground. Do we have the political will to resist the temptation? Ralph Klein and Dick Cheney have already planned the tar sands’ exploitation so the boat sailed on that option already. 

The Rocky Mountain Institute, an NGO led by the energy scientist Amory Lovins, has been advocating for several years that not only is it possible to wean ourselves off of oil in the next few decades, but that it can be done almost entirely through changes in transportation. Some of the biggest savings can be found simply by making cars lighter and continuing the shift toward hybrids and electrics, says Lionel Bony, a director at the institute. “You can probably get rid of about half the oil we need through efficiency” and do it in the next 20 years, he says.

- The next few decades? Even Al Gore, not so much the posterchild of a radical post-carbon economy advocates, says the USA has to be off carbon by the middle of the next decade, not in the next few decades with weaning. I think the Rocky Mountain folks are right that changing transportation is the key. But it’s not just lighter cars and one less business flight per year. It’s food. Commuting is a carbon whore, but most of most people’s food comes from too far away. When the price of our food staples reflects the real costs of transportation, will we really see 49 cent pounds of bananas ever again? The bioregional diet is an imperative. So, oil efficiencies in 20 years? Not good enough.

That such savings can be found within the current energy system is crucial in an age when big bets are being made on new technologies like electric cars. Those like Rubin are quick to pour cold water on the idea that we can wean ourselves off of gas-powered vehicles and switch over to electric power. Big cities, like Toronto, barely have enough power to keep air conditioners running all summer, he points out. But energy officials say a shortage of generating capacity isn’t the obstacle it once was. This spring, the chairman of the U.S. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, Jon Wellinghoff, said the U.S. may not need any more nuclear or coal plants “ever,” adding that wind, solar and biomass could supply enough energy to meet demand. The technology is all there to make a much more efficient power grid, he said.

- At this point, I’m just finding Colin Campbell to be a pandering apologist for minimalist change to produce maximum effect. 20 years ago we learned the 3 Rs: reduce, reuse, recycle. We embraced the third because it allowed us to keep shopping and not bother with second hand clothes and cars so much. The bulk of the 3 Rs was to be in reduction, then reusing, then the remainder was about recycling. We turned that on its head, grinned widely when we put recycling containers in public buildings and went to sleep feeling smug. Arguing that modest energy conservation will reverse the climate breakdown from massive over-consumption is similarly ignorant. And while the new technologies are capable of some day providing us with the energy to supply our irresponsible level of desires today, will they come in the next few years before the climate breakdown window closes? We’ll see from the GM nationalization: will they re-tool for high-speed rail, buses, light rail and solar and wind infrastructure or will we have merely 35 mpg cars with a slight nod to more hybrids?

Besides, ending the dependency on oil doesn’t mean replacing every car on the road with an electric vehicle, but just enough to cool demand for crude. We may be nearing that point already. Last month, Exxon Mobil said that the U.S. consumption of gasoline has peaked, and predicted that demand for auto fuel will shrink by more than 20 per cent by 2030. Companies like the California-based Better Place are already building the necessary electric car infrastructure. Last month, it unveiled the first station where drivers can drop off exhausted batteries and grab charged ones in the time it would take to fill a tank of gas. “It’s not that big a hurdle,” says Sean Harrington, who manages the company’s Canadian arm. “It can be done.”

- Cooling demand for oil is amazing. If I widen a highway, people will drive more to fill the capacity. If I move from a one bedroom to a three bedroom apartment I will accumulate clutter to fill the space. People will not voluntarily reduce their demand for oil. And if we were to drop our demand by 20% over the next 20 years, we’ll be about 15 years too late. I guess Colin Campbell isn’t really listening to the timelines from the UN climate scientists. And while I know it can be done to shift everyone over to a new paradigm of transportation like electric cars when we have summer power brownouts, I still haven’t seen Campbell explain how we can get the alternative energy infrastructure in place fast enough to ramp up electrical demand so incredibly to get us off carbon before the UN climate deadlines pass. It works, though, if everyone just thinks the timeline is “someday.” Then it’s too late and our children will really hate us and they won’t let us even MEET our grandchildren.

Like Rubin, Tertzakian sees another oil spike on the horizon as the economy recovers—likely a return to triple-digit oil prices. But he argues that spike will be the next important catalyst that leads some of these new technologies to be even more widely adopted. Tertzakian points out the speed with which technologies like the Apple iPhone have been snapped up—one million were sold in the first three months it was on the market. Today’s energy-saving technologies are a lot like colour TVs in the 1950s, he says. They exist, but people don’t have a compelling reason to rush out and buy them—at least not yet.

- The elasticity of oil at ridiculously high prices [relatively] will determine the speed at which people switch to something new. The iPhone was not a new paradigm of phone. It’s a cell phone that processes more data than older cell phones. It’s marketing is sexier, though. Altering our transportation paradigm to one with a much smaller ecological footprint would be like moving from iPhones to postcards. And since gas prices in Europe have been twice our prices for some time, I don’t see Europe embracing the post-car culture. A friend says that while they have alternatives, cars are still ubiquitous.

When oil prices soared last summer it was hard to be optimistic about our ability to cut our addiction to cheap fuel. Almost overnight, siphoning gas from parked cars became the crime du jour. People were suddenly spending more on gas than groceries. It was during this crisis that Rubin was constructing his thesis and the warning that this was just a taste of what lies ahead.

High oil prices don’t just hit you in the pocketbook, he explains. They threaten to unravel an entire economic system that relies on shipping goods around the world. Those cheap electronics you buy at Walmart are only cheap because they’re made in China and hauled across the ocean in massive container ships. When the cost of shipping those goods more than doubles, as it did last year, then this system starts to look very vulnerable. At the very least, high oil prices will turn the clocks back 40 years to a time when nations lay “safely cocooned within huge tariff walls,” says Rubin.

It’s a terrifying scenario, if for no other reason than the fact that globalization has spread economic benefits around the world. Erasing 40 years of that kind of progress would be a catastrophe. By Rubin’s definition, globalization is little more than a “fancy word” for “moving your factory to the cheapest labour market in the world.” But that’s just one element of a much more diverse system, says Karl Moore, the co-author of The Origins of Globalization. “It’s not just economics,” he says. “It’s also how interlinked we are as societies.” More than cheap consumer goods, globalization has underwritten unprecedented improvements in the standard of living the world over, fuelled massive amounts of immigration, driven political change, as well as advances in technology and the spread of ideas. Does such a vast global system really teeter, like an upsidedown pyramid, on oil prices?

- Well, critics of neoliberal globalization are far from terrified by the end of the global ecological, labour, resource, wage, and regulatory race to the bottom. Globalization has spread oppressively uneven benefits around the world. If globalization contributed an extra 100 loonies to global GDP, distributing them by giving me 99 and you one loonie still allows me to say that all boats rise. It’s true, but people aren’t looking at rising income inequality. I’m fine erasing that 40 years of bifurcating wealth in as fast a time as possible.

- Improvements in the standard of living are notable for probably 1 billion of the 4 billion poorest humans. That’s nice and all, but honestly, this is no big deal, since the number of desperately poor is increasing. Immigration? We’re talking about illegal or “guest” workers who have little access to real immigration without a cash investment. How many new Canadians are accredited professionals back home, while they deliver pizza here? Political change? Structural adjustment programs have impoverished billions. Advances in technology are irrelevant for the majority of humans who have never made a phone call. Exchanging ideas? While I like listening to African radio stations in iTunes, the poorest several billion human beings have not enjoyed some good old-fashioned political debate on electoral reform. Food. Clothing. Shelter. Pretty basic ideas they’re still struggling for.

Moore says globalization simply isn’t that fragile. It will not get thrown into reverse, but it will continue to evolve, as it always has. “Twenty years ago we didn’t talk about [outsourcing to] China or India very much at all. If you had said those are two big trends, we would have scratched our heads and said, ‘I don’t see it.’ ” Short of truly extreme oil prices (in the range of $500 a barrel), globalization will “continue to go in new and surprising directions,” he says.

- Globalization will evolve, sure. But before outsourcing and foreign product sourcing, the level of global trade was very much smaller than today. The guts of today’s globalization orbit cheap oil. Increase its cost tenfold to $500/barrel and we’ll still buy bananas? I certainly won’t. And I’d love to see a new kind of globalization: one that spreads economic, social and political justice around the world, universal education, healthcare, living wages, functional electoral systems. That’s MY kind of globalization!

Alarmists tend to portray affordable oil as the precondition for global trade, when it is really just one variable among many. Jagdish Bhagwati is a professor of economics at Columbia University and the author of In Defense of Globalization. He says there is a basic flaw in this end-of-globalization argument. It assumes that rising oil prices will affect only transportation costs. But that’s not the case, he says. Oil prices also affect the production costs of traded goods. If those production costs go up more in the importing countries than exporting ones, that makes trading more profitable, which offsets the added transportation costs, explains Bhagwati.

- I won’t attack Bhagwati here. I’ve done enough of that while getting my political economy degrees. He is, at best an apologist for bilking economically disadvantaged foreigners. The fact that Colin Campbell is turning to him says a lot about Campbell’s arguments.

- But Bhagwati is right in arguing that if the oil used in producing hockey sticks in Canada becomes more expensive than the oil used in making hockey sticks in Vermont or Peru, trade will occur. Fascinating premise. It applies to maybe Venezuela and few else, since they’ve been fighting Big Oil to ensure domestic oil costs are low. Once they start exporting hockey sticks to Canada, they’ll get the Bhagwati bump. And if they can do that with everything everyone produces, they’ll rule the world. Bhagwati’s premise is bunk, on the aggregate.

Fears of China’s rising energy demand pushing up oil prices—and wrecking globalization—also tend to be overstated, argues Lovins, the head of the Rocky Mountain Institute. Much has been said about U.S. President Barack Obama’s ambitious new energy scheme, but already China is on pace to become the world leader in fuel cell technology and electric motors and has far surpassed the U.S. when it comes to developing and building cleaner coal plants. “China’s leadership is deathly afraid of falling into the oil trap that we did,” said Lovins, speaking at a recent conference on energy security.

- OK, let’s assume clean coal actually exists and is viable today. It’s not, but let’s pretend. The scale of China’s use of dirty coal is profound. The fact that they may be ahead of the USA on better coal means little since the USA is a coal whore still. So, big deal.

As fuel costs eventually begin to rise again, some trade will inevitably dry up. Indeed, as Rubin outlines, that’s already happened with steel shipments from China to North America and the trade of bulky furniture. But for all the panic of last year’s oil spike, the changes it prompted haven’t been overly dramatic. It turns out there’s a lot of low-hanging fruit that can be picked off by rising oil prices before society starts to crumble. Rubin highlights a few, from lamb shipped from New Zealand to salmon that’s caught off the coast of Norway, shipped to China for processing, then finally to North America for consumption.

- Last year’s oil panic was an experiment by the supply and demand curve wonks who work for Big Oil. They were doing elasticity experiments on the North American population, figuring out responsiveness to price changes that were largely speculative or merely manufactured. Then they returned the price of oil to normal to keep from interfering with the US presidential election. I’m sure they learned a lot about our dependence on oil and how to maximize profits while oil supplies dwindle. Remember, the only ones who know how much oil is actually left are Big Oil and the oil producing countries. 

Rubin argues that if you add up enough of these seemingly minor changes, the world will eventually be unrecognizable. But this isn’t necessarily a bad thing, he says. “I don’t think this book is apocalyptic in any sense,” he says. There are upsides to the story: manufacturing jobs will come home, far-flung suburbs will be reclaimed by farms for local food production, he argues. And while Rubin disagrees that the world will be able to sidestep future oil spikes through new energy policies and new technologies, he doesn’t completely buy the dark prophecies of the peak oil theorists. “We may be energy poor, but we are innovation rich and necessity is the mother of invention,” he writes in the book’s conclusion. “I wouldn’t write off our economies just yet.” Luckily for the doomsday set, the people now shaping our energy system have not.

- Well, as someone written off as part of the doomsday set along with the hundreds of UN climate scientists who keep moving the climate doomsday deadline closer, I can’t say I share the same faith in our energy masters. Short term profit maximization and the will to avoid squandering extractable oil resources, despite the climate breakdown consequences, rule their motivations. If you trust them, you share their denial.

Obama Is Not Anyone’s Economic Jesus

It’s time to get over ourselves with thinking of Obama being any kind of economic Jesus. Eric Margolis reflects many people’s hopes, but it is time to leave our naivety back in 2008 because its best before date has expired:

The axis of sleaze between Wall Street and Washington’s politicians has to be broken. Time for Obama to drive the money lenders from the temple.

- Eric Margolis, columnist, Toronto Sun, April 5, 2009

Margolis’ quote shows up on page 2 of the current CCPA Monitor journal from the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. Ed Finn, the editor, juxtaposes it with his own assessment of what Obama will not be able to offer:

“Obama may be helping some of the hardest hit victims of the financial meltdown in the US with his huge stimulus budget, but his massive trillion-dollar bailouts of the fraudulent financial system that precipitated the crisis reflect no desire on his part to replace or even moderately change it. Instead, the obvious intent seems to be to restore and perpetuate it.”

- Ed Finn, editor, CCPA Monitor, May 2009, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives

Being optimistic for massive reform to global corporate neoliberal capitalism is one thing, but it truly pains me to acknowledge that expecting Obama to have messianic economic reform powers is just not realistic.

While I cheered his election and have significant respect for his demeanor, honesty, boldness in facing dire economic and social challenges domestically, we need to remember that the vetting process that takes place in the two major US political parties precludes any real reformers from having much of a chance at the White House.

Dennis Kucinich has been the most progressive Democrat to seek the nomination in recent elections. His policies reflect a profound desire to make America a beacon of social, economic and political justice and advocacy. 

He never stands a chance.

And I won’t even going into how credible Ralph Nader is on the corporate autocracy that runs America and the world. 

He’ll never make the White House either, barring some massive global economic depression and even more widespread corporate corruption leading to thorough delegitimization of free markets [though the fact that we tolerate this much says little about our civic critical capacities].

So those who have a solid chance of winning big party nominations are able to secure funding from broad sources. And while the stranglehold of corporate control of candidates is diminishing–but by no means disappearing–with more union and citizen financial support of the most progressive of the bunch, America is still America.

American capitalists and the majority of the middle class still believe in the American Dream[tm], or at least the perception that they can buy  in one day, despite Marxist arguments about false consciousness. Canadians exhibit much the same tendencies.

We are not so much interested in anyone challenging our beloved capitalism. When “excesses” occur, some tinkering is good enough because in the end, we can trust capitalists; after all, many of us have them as neighbours and they don’t seem to kill our pets for sport or empty our car tires on rainy Tuesday nights.

Part of the explanation for this lies in the lack of imagination and discourse about alternative economies. Free market capitalism is only about as old as America itself. That probably explains part of it right there. But before free market capitalism, we weren’t pre-social hunter-gatherers. We traded, we had markets, we even used markets to pursue social and economic justice.

And we can do that again, granted we have some leisure time to indulge in imagining economies that actually serve human beings.

But what about Obama, then?

He’ll tinker. He’ll sound resolute. He’ll speak like a disappointed patriarch scolding teenagers who took the car without permission and scratched it at the 7-11. Those capitalists [wag your finger with me, now]: always up to hijinx, so we have to ground them for a week or so to make them reflect on what they did!

He’s certainly better than Bush and McCain/Palin, even with McCain having spent most of the decade plugging his nose to suck up to the radical reactionary right of the Republican party to be a presidential contender, ignoring elements of his more moderate core.

But in the end, there is no way that Obama would have been a contender if the American and global corporate oligarchs weren’t comfortable that he was not going to close down the World Bank, IMF, WTO and OAS and invite Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales to the White House to build a new economic, social and political vision for the Americas.

And while I’ll continue to be pleased with Obama when it’s warranted, our relief at the end of the Bush dynasty should not keep us from recognizing when America is just being America some more. They are economic, political, social and cultural imperialists with a now-global manifest destiny that is rarely questioned, though the Chinese economic war with America may ultimately defeat them, leaving merely another global economic monster to contend with.

So feel free to leave your naivety in 2008 and when Obama does something not so progressive, develop a healthy critique of him. When he buckles to the healthcare lobby over the next few weeks, make sure he knows that Americans deserve to have a better healthcare system than to be stuck at the bottom of OECD rankings.

And if his foreign policy is more engaging and peace-building, celebrate that, but if his diplomacy is twinned with neoliberal assaults on other countries’ ability to develop their own economic, social and political structures, take a moment to demand more.

But in the end, if he leaves office without overturning any money lender tables in the temple of the global economy, don’t be dismayed. Reality will teach you all you need to know to assess his ultimate political value.

Politics, Re-Spun on Coop Radio, 5.4.09, a Vista Video Podcast

On Monday, May 4, 2009, Politics, Re-Spun met Coop Radio on “The Rational”, a Monday evening issues program. This is the second visit, with the next scheduled for Monday, May 11th, the night before the BC provincial election.

Imtiaz Popat and I talked about the leaders debate last night, how horribly condescending and unprofessional Gordon Campbell was, how the parties are polling, why STV is so important, all parties’ environmental plans that generally need to be far more expansive and robust, how the BC Conservatives’ leader, Wilf Hanni, will beat BC Liberal Bill Bennett [not that Socred guy] in Kootenay East, the carbon tax, the Port Mann bridge, the Gateway project, who will win the election, how much corruption in candidates the BC Liberals tolerate, why Mel Lehan will likely defeat Gordon Campbell in Point Grey, John van Dongen’s teflon political career, and the importance of voting on Wednesday to Saturday in the advance polls to set the trend of a higher voter turnout which will signal a change in government…so vote early! But we didn’t get to how Campbell cancelled his upcoming CBC radio debate with Carole James because of how poorly he did last night, and we again missed a chance to debrief the Billy Bob Thornton mayhem.

The video podcast of the conversation lives at Vista Video. 

You can watch it in Miro, the best new open source multimedia viewing software: http://www.miroguide.com/feeds/8832

or…

You can watch it in iTunes: itpc://dgivista.org/pod/Vista_Podcasts.xml

or…

The podcast file is at http://dgivista.org/pod/Coop.Radio.5.4.09.mov

Enjoy!

Alcohol Privateer Fear-Mongerers, With Flaky Arithmetic

In what the industry is calling the NDP’s “six-pack attack,” private store owners are warning an NDP win on May 12 could increase the price of a half-sack of suds by three dollars

The NDP’s promise to increase the minimum wage from $8 an hour to $10 would have a disproportionate impact on the food-service industry, she said. “You could see the price of a bacon-cheddar burger at Earl’s jump from $13.55 now to $16 under the NDP. A burger at the Cactus Club could go from $14 to $16.60.”

via NDP’s pledge to up beer prices brews woes.

Before I address twisted arithmetic, let me just say that I don’t buy my BC brew at private liquor stores. Their selection is overpriced and awful, their stores are generally untidy, they are understaffed with usually not-so-thrilled workers who are paid awful wages–no surprise there.

Without injecting any numbers, a private liquor store is making a killing if it sells beer at prices higher than government stores, yet pays people minimum wage, thus less than the BCGEU employees at government stores. That’s got to make some sense, right?

And why do the privateers get a 16% discount on products compared to government liquor stores? Because Gordon Campbell will subsidize privatization wherever he can. Corporate welfare 101.

So, I have absolutely no sympathy for the privateers. Their criticisms make me just shake my head at their baldfaced greed.

The best part, though, is that if you buy your beer at public liquor stores, none of this neoLiberal Party fear-mongering will affect you at all! And the threatened restaurant burger price increases are made up as well, so have no fear.

That said, let’s look at the math. You can take a look at the BC NDP’s analysis of public and private liquor costs here.

But here’s my first question. If a 6-pack of beer costs $12 at a private liquor store [already $2 more than at a government store] and the privateer owners are claiming that a $2 minimum wage increase from $8 to $10 will cause the $12 6-pack to cost $15, what kind of labour costs must they have? I know this sounds like a word problem from grade 9 Math or something, but just think it through.

If there are [an unrealistically high] 3 employees making $8/hour on duty over 12 hours each day in a privateer’s store, the daily labour cost is $288. At $10/hour, the labour costs go up by $72. In this scenario, and looking at labour costs alone, the only way $3 can be passed on to consumers is if they sell merely 24 6-packs each day–and nothing else. That’s clearly just nonsense.

When we add in the loss of the privateers’ discount of 16% to 10%, that 6% will affect final costs too, but not significantly. Even if the $12 6-pack were being sold at cost, the loss of the extra 6% discount would increase the 6-pack by 96 cents. Since the privateers’ mark-up is a whopper, the real final cost increase of the 6% discount reduction is far less.

So how does the privateer industry get a $12 to $15 price jump in their wonky arithmetic? They add 25% to the final product cost. Why 25%?  Because if the minimum wage goes from $8 to $10, that’s a 25% jump. I do enjoy my beer, but honestly, I’m not that stupid. And anyone who thinks it through for just a short time isn’t that stupid either.

I think the industry, the Alliance of Beverage Licensees of B.C., is simply lying with these numbers by suggesting that’s how labour costs factor into retail prices. I also think the neoLiberal Party is promoting the lie to scare beer fans away from the NDP and their plan of cutting back on the corporate welfare program for privateer, profit-gouging liquor vendors. Enough already!

I also think the industry and the neoLiberal Party are expecting people are stumped by grade 9 Math word problems to the point that they’d believe the crazy arithmetic without working through the problem with a pencil and paper.

They must think we’re stupid. Oh right. This is consistent with the neoLiberals’ disdain for the population it governs.

Doing similar math with the burger costs, we find more PR and rhetoric masquerading as arithmetic.

With a 25% increase in minimum wage from $8 to $10, Earl’s and the Cactus Club claim they will pass 18% and 19% of that increase on to their burger consumers. This isn’t as pathetic as the alcohol privateers’ lame arithmetic, but it is also impossible to find plausible. The last time I was at Earl’s they were going to charge me $4 for there to be vegetables on the plate of my entree.

So, we have the BC neoLiberal Party candidates ducking all-candidates meetings, telling people to just “get over” the BC Rail corruption scandal, lying about social service improvements, watching their lead in the polls evaporate to within the margin of error, seeing female voters favour the NDP by a back-breaking margin and the Canucks in the playoffs distracting loyal Liberal voters from all things political.

And now we have the arithmetically-challenged fear-mongering trying to scare beer drinkers into thinking the NDP is going to rip them off.

But in the end, if you buy your BC brew from a government liquor store, the minimum wage increase and the reduced discount for privateer liquor vendors will simply not affect you at all!

So, even though I’m not a BCGEU member, I’ve been a proud member of 3 unions in my life. I feel wonderful buying my beer at government stores because I know the workers are at the very least being paid a living wage and the product costs less than at the privateers’ stores where they have been getting their 16% discount in Campbell’s New Era of corporate welfare for privatized services.

So, do your grade 9 Math word problem above, get your result, keep shopping at public liquor stores, wag your finger at the neoLiberal Party’s desperate fear-mongering, vote NDP and STV with a smile and enjoy a new era for human beings starting on May 13th.

Vindicating Politics, Re-Spun

It was nice to read Allen Garr’s piece last Wednesday in the Courier. It sure helps that he’s one of the handful of good journalists in the province, and this piece shows why.

Essentially, he’s reporting on how national media skipped their fact-checking and trusted a highly biased civic blog that reported completely incorrect information about a new Vancouver manager’s pension. There are a few issues here.

  1. My editorials are highly biased, a bias I state and celebrate. CityCaucus.com is run by part of Sam Sullivan’s junta, so it’s radically anti-populist and far right wing. I don’t have a problem with biased commentary, though I work hard against their bias constantly.
  2. Bloggers are not held to the same standards as “real” journalists: things like getting fired for making things up, plagiarizing, not checking facts. Blogs can claim, in the end, to be just rants. And while it’s not wrong to report on blog content, anyone who is a professional journalist shouldn’t assume anything on a blog is valid beyond the opinion it is wrapped in. I pay very careful attention to the validity of new facts I introduce in my editorials. Generally I just comment on and analyze other facts, reporting and press releases. “Real” media and public media will need to negotiate some ground rules for interaction and validity in society. The free commuter daily headline papers showthat people don’t want to pay for news anymore, so the business model may be dead regardless of whatever magic media owners try to wield. Public media is here to stay. Democracy can, not will but can, be served by this.
  3. Garr called local television “sloppy and lazy”. He’s absolutely right. Six-second sound bites and everything Neil Postman ever wrote about why the whole medium is anti-intellectual back up his claim.
  4. There needs to be a long, nuanced dance in media circles about the relationship between new and old media. Old media has lost competence and relevance as a check against political power. Its role as a free press in a democracy is shattered from the hyper-corporatization of media models. The CanWest/Global Frankenstein is a spectacular example.
  5. New media, even social networking sites, NowPublic.com, my site, Alternet.org, Rabble.ca, The Tyee, and many others demonstrate the illegitimacy of the Metro chain of Twitter-sized journalism and what’s become of the dailies lately. Extra sad and pathetic is that while dailies are bleeding out or closing because of owner’s poor financial health, CanWest has recently begun a chain-wide navel-gazing, self-justification exercise about why newspapers still matter. They’re not wrong, but they’re not the ones to lead the charge to save the model; they are the poster-child of the death of the current model of newspapers. More likely, they’re just encouraging investors and the 19 subscribers left not to bail out on their 26 cent share price, down from $12 two years ago. Nevertheless, the navel-gazing is framed like this “In the first of a series we look at the siege mentality that is gripping the newspaper industry as once-mighty publications stop their presses for good.” I predict CanWest/Global will close the Province newspaper in Vancouver after the provincial election. I just have a feeling. Since it’s their redundant daily in Vancouver, it can be euthanized. But the scary thing is if it turns out the not-so-tabloid Vancouver Sun is the expendable brand.
  6. Read more Allen Garr. And Frances Bula, and Charlie Smith, Gary Mason, and Andrew MacLeod and basically everyone at The Tyee. It will make you think that journalism still actually means something. While they operate as intelligent, respectable public journalists, they also address themes and do solid analysis. They aren’t afraid to take a side and show a bias, but they back it up with sound rationale. Most of the lame journalists in the country can’t even do that, or their editors spike their intelligence. Either way, most fail to accomplish meaningful injections of thoughtfulness.

So, do your job as readers and citizens and engage. And when [usually] corporate media cuts corners and sleezes or lazes out, reject them, call them on it and turn to progressive new media. It will refresh your optimism!

Poor Bashing in the BC Liberals’ Online Store

I was so annoyed listening to Gordon Campbell pull a Sarah Palin [I hear your question, but I think I'll just talk about this instead] on the leaders debate on CKNW this morning when asked about poverty reduction strategies. He talked about how he loves to help create high paying jobs and that the average wage in BC is $22/hour. 

liberalmousepad

Mouspad for the "average" BC worker

Let’s do some simple arithmetic. The global GDP is estimated at around US$69 trillion. The world population today is around 6.7 billion. That means the average annual income of everyone in the world is around US$10,000! Goodbye poverty, hurray for us! Oh wait, averages can be the devil’s pool cue crashed over the back of the homeless fellow outside the pool hall and a rainy winter night.

This is what I think of every time Gordon Campbell quotes the average BC wage. Anyone who finds solace in it needs to re-think how insidious averages can be and ask themselves if they wish to be inadvertently complicit in poor bashing. 

So when I cruised by the BC Liberal party’s online fundraising merchandising store, I examined the prices of the trinkets that, with Campbell’s love of globalized trade and the race to the bottom of production, I assume are made in Chinese sweatshops.

$22/hour is the average wage in BC? Hmm, that would buy you a mousepad promoting the Liberals’ strong BC. But it would take you longer because I’m sure Campbell is talking about $22 as a gross wage, so that after deductions it would take far more than one hour of work to buy that mousepad.

The Liberal Homelessness Toque

The Liberal Homelessness Toque

And what about a toque to keep your homeless head warm while promoting the BC Liberal brand? Let’s not assume that none of the homeless have jobs, because many do and are still homeless. $17.50 is the price. that would take an $8/hour minimum wage worker around 2 hours and 12 minutes to earn it.

An apron for those summer barbeques? $20 or 2.5 hours of pretax minimum wage work or even more, 3.3 hours, for the victimized trainee/new workers making $6/hour.

But if you really want to save up for the eco-friendly women’s plasma jacket, perhaps by foregoing protein for all 3 meals each day next week or maybe skipping lunches altogether, $8/hour workers would have to toil for 24.4 hours. 

A week of sufficient protein, or a jacket? You decide.

A week of sufficient protein, or a jacket? You decide.

So as we’re watching economic stimulus packages devolve into corporate welfare programs, we should applaud the NDP and their commitment to raising the minimum wage to $10/hour. Minimum wage workers spend their wages in their communities to create a multiplier effect that recycles wealth and improves the economy from the ground up. The neoLiberal party never talks about this kind of stimulus because their constituency is not the poorest 95% of the British Columbians, let alone the economically destitute and those barely hanging on, living one pay cheque away from the streets.

But then, why would the BC neoLiberal party care about raising the minimum wage, since the poor wouldn’t buy their $22 mousepads anyway.

Gordon Campbell Actively Ignores the Poor

This morning’s leadership debate on CKNW allowed Gordon Campbell to continue to demonstrate how he totally ignores poor people.

When asked about poverty reduction strategies, he continued his mantra that he believes in creating high paying jobs and then he pulls out meaningless statistics like how the average wage in BC is $22/hour. Of course it’s $22/hour…on average with thousands of high wage earners including senior provincial civil servants who received a 43% raise from Gordon Campbell last summer. But focussing on average wages across the province totally ignores the poor and destitute and allows Campbell and his supporters to ignore their plight.

His focus on high paying jobs helps BC Liberal donors, not those living on the edge of existence.

Keith Baldry’s Sloppiness in Hiding His Bias

CanWest/Global’s Keith Baldry conveniently misses some details when sliding out some concluding statements lately.

First case:

An Opposition party usually wins when enough of the electorate desires a change in government. So far, there is little evidence to suggest that is the case in this province.

via Are the days of mass political rallies over?.

Little evidence? How about this from an Angus Reid poll last month:

“Amongst people ‘absolutely certain to vote’, the governing party is only two points ahead of the NDP (41% to 39%).”

“The BC election may well be determined by the turnout levels of supporters for each party.”

“Overall, 51 per cent of respondents across the province say it is ‘time for a change of government in British Columbia’ while only 34 per cent feel that the current government should be returned to office. When Gordon Campbell’s name was added to the question, only 30 per cent of respondents thought ‘Gordon Campbell should be re-elected’ while a majority (54%) said it was time for a different premier.”

Second case, when he is talking about the NDP’s opposition to the awful carbon tax that discriminates against people without adequate transit, people living in cold places, the climate since it’s part of Campbell’s plan to reduce way too few GHGs way too late, and all of us since by the time the tax is fully present, it will be no longer revenue neutral, but a regressive tax:

Further complicating the matter is the NDP’s opposition to green energy projects such as run-of-river and wind generation simply because they may be built by private companies, instead of BC Hydro.

via NDP sells environmental soul.

Many of them ARE being built by private companies, but the whole mess is full of problems:

  • slowly bankrupting BC Hydro by forcing it to pay insane rates for this private power
  • weak and neglected environmental considerations in building these plants
  • no coordination in the gold rush of licenses
  • no long-term respect for ecosystems
  • enacting legislation to stop local governments from having the right to stop these projects
  • privatizing electrical generation through the back door.

Here’s a tidy piece to ponder the issue more than Keith Baldry seems to have: End of Public Power in BC?

Time to Close Your North Shore Credit Union Account

A credit union whose board of directors includes a provincial Liberal candidate donated $7,500 to the party on December 29, 2008. But the credit union’s president said earlier this month that contribution had nothing to do with Naomi Yamamoto’s bid to keep North Vancouver-Lonsdale in the party’s hands.

via Public Eye Online – Credit union check.

I always–I suppose naively–thought credit unions were more progressive than banks because they were co-ops. But exclusive Manhatten co-ops for the hyper-rich and famous are co-ops too.

And while clearly some credit unions are very progressive, North Shore Credit Union donated to the Liberals just in the nick of time at the end of 2008, well after one of its board members expressed interest in the North Vancouver-Lonsdale riding nomination. I’m sure with the Liberals’ top-down candidate anointing process, securing a donation from a credit union would help someone land a nomination.

Visit and read the link above to see the truly lame explanation for why there’s no funny business going on.

At any rate, if you do business with North Shore Credit Union and dislike the Liberals, why allow your money to be indirectly donated to the Campbell junta? Close your accounts and make your money work for a progressive cause at another credit union.

As it is, the credit union claimed that global economic carnage inspired their donation. Too bad they’re blind to the domestic carnage the Liberals have been responsible for.

De-Spinning the Enviro NGO Mess in BC This Month

One of the best things to come this month from the controversies about how environmental NGOs view the NDP’s opposition to Campbell’s awful carbon tax is that people are realizing that climate change is not a 6-second sound bite.

Here is an absolutely amazing piece that reviews some truly sound points!

Tapping Our Wild Rivers Can’t Fix Climate Change

via Tapping Our Wild Rivers Can’t Fix Climate Change :: Views :: thetyee.ca.

Tapping Our Wild Rivers

Can’t Fix Climate Change

M’Gonigle of UVic: ‘Power down!’

Veteran enviro says no to Tzeporah Berman’s ‘PowerUp’ logic.

By Michael M’Gonigle
Published: April 20, 2009

TheTyee.ca

A week into the provincial election the person grabbing headlines is not a politician but an environmentalist. Tzeporah Berman helped lead the Clayoquot protests of ‘93 and then protect the Great Bear Rainforest but lately she’s been slamming the NDP for opposing the carbon tax while throwing her weight behind a huge new energy strategy embraced by the Liberals: run-of-river (RoR) power production.

And she’s pulling a lot of others with her — while getting many others fired up in disbelief and anger.

Berman and her influential allies want us to believe that only by harnessing renewable “green” energy can we reduce global warming. And that the time for debate is past; now we must just do it.

I’m one long-time environmentalist who couldn’t disagree more.

As one of the founders of Greenpeace International, EcoJustice, Smart Growth BC, the Dogwood Initiative, and other B.C. groups, I embrace real solutions to our environmental challenges, including climate change, and the movement to make them happen.

But in pressing for run-of-river, Berman and allies are only accelerating us down a doomed path that will destroy precious natural ecologies in British Columbia without making any significant dent in global warming, and undermine the work of many environmentalists in the process.

There is a far better course of action, however, that would not divide environmentalists but excite them and motivate the larger citizenry. Let me explain.

Climate myopia

At first glance, run-of-river power seems pretty benign. Without recourse to large dams, RoR diverts stream water into turbines, and then returns it to the river downstream. In many rural areas, such projects have been in operation as small-scale sources of power for generations.

But as proposed in B.C., RoR is on a far larger scale. And its numerous side effects are now well known: Destructive construction in wild rivers and intact habitats, new roads and penstocks carved through wilderness areas, long transmission lines.

The list of concerns for RoR in B.C. goes on: the potential privatization of up to 500 streams and rivers, the realization that the systems will work well only during spring run-off, the gold rush mentality that has identified some thousands of potential sites across the province, the industrial scale of most of the projects, and the government/industry push that eschews careful planning by removing local decision-making authority.

Recently Berman’s new organization, PowerUp, held a well-attended meeting in Vancouver to promote RoR on a massive scale in B.C. Berman gets lots of support from power companies, political leaders and climate scientists, including UVic’s Andrew Weaver who, in a Vancouver Sun article, attacked “so-called environmentalists” (like me, I guess) who don’t agree with “what science shows to be necessary.” He dismisses as “outlandish” and “insidious” our concerns for protecting wilderness rivers and aesthetic viewscapes. We haven’t done “the math”; proposed policies “are very well understood.”

I would call this state of mind climate myopia — where climate change is essentially treated as the only environmental issue we face that, if we could somehow solve it, would allow us to get back to business as usual. Old growth forests, overfishing, fish farms, wild rivers? Back burner issues. We have to focus on climate change or else it’s all over.

All right then, let’s focus on really solving climate change — and why Berman and her allies are dead wrong.

Don’t raise supply, lower demand

As a “solution,” an important distinction must be made here, for RoR is a so-called supply-side solution, one to produce more energy. And even here, B.C.’s green energy won’t displace existing local sources of carbon-emitting energy because the power is destined for export to California. Despite this, a group of high profile environmentalists wrote in The Sun of the need for this new power because “our electric cars are going to have to get juice from somewhere.” These advocates do acknowledge the need to promote solutions on thedemand side by conserving energy. They note approvingly that the province plans to meet “more than half of BC’s new electricity demand with efficiency.”

Supporters of “alternative energy” also argue that it will create new “green jobs.” But what jobs? Construction workers in remote camps blasting rights-of-way through grizzly habitat to build RoR facilities on undeveloped rivers to provide seasonal power for export to Los Angelites who can now crawl in their electric cars guilt free along the freeway?

Environmentalists have long been fond of saying that the economy is a subset of the ecology. But not Berman’s brigade whose RoR strategies take the economic growth trajectory (and its accompanying energy trajectory) as a given. At best, Berman calls for “more sustainable development.”

But wait. Is “more sustainable development” about new electric cars, newpower supplies, new energy exports, efficiency to meet new demand? Is there not a problem here? In a country with some of the highest per capita energy usage levels on the planet, where is the discussion of seriously reducingenergy demand overall and doing it for the long term?

Increasing efficiency and generating new “alternative” sources of supply will never get us past the climate crunch because they confront a central contradiction: continuous economic growth that will just swallow up whatever gains are made, all the while upping the environmental impacts.

Can someone please explain how we can get past this contradiction except byreducing total energy demand, and developing economic strategies that will allow us to do so permanently?

Naming the problem

Taking the problem of economic growth seriously will not make you popular with the mainstream. But doing so actually offers tangible lessons. Here are three obvious ones:

1) We should not embark on destructive new supplies until demand reductions have been exhausted — to death.

2) We should not look at just simple efficiency gains in existing processes but at whole new ways of designing our economy that inherently reduce energy flows.

3) We should consider new sources of supply only later and only where each renewable watt is directly tied to retiring an old carbon-based one.

So the climate emergency may not be about building more river utilities after all. Maybe we would do better to work together to stop new infrastructure investments like the new 10-lane Port Mann Bridge, a bridge for more cars, and without light rail. And to do this as part of a full-on campaign to refashion the whole face of urban transportation not just in the Lower Mainland but worldwide.

But this doesn’t fit with the one truth that all political leaders agree on: we must keep the growth machine on stimulants.

A new model of development

These leaders have successfully exported this ideology to places like China, the most populous place on earth. With China’s commitment to a coal-fired future of ever increasing production and consumption, exports and trade, a car for every household, one must ask: What have we unleashed here? Is there any vision of development that is both as universal and as inappropriate to the survival of the planet as this?

Talking about how we might get past this ideology and its contradictions is a taboo. But no one was talking about Wall Street’s duplicity a year ago either. It took a collapse for that.

For B.C., this contradiction has a very specific import: given China’s growth trajectory, what sense could it make to compromise one of the great river regions on the planet for minimal practical effect? It IS one atmosphere after all.

Climate scientists do not like to think about this. But when you do, you see the second, and more difficult, “inconvenient truth” of climate change — the limits of a model of development that depends on always more growth, and more energy to fuel it. That is to say, the PowerUp strategy.

Just as global warming was until recently marked by widespread denial, so too denial of the problematic of growth economics is omnipresent today.

Confronting the tough truth of economic limits by actually trying to think and work past the growth paradigm opens up great possibilities. Call it the strategy of “growing into no-growth.”

Instead of blasting in new supply projects to fuel electric cars, why not talk about how to build “car-free” cities? Here we might start to save the earth, and save money too. After all, if a car costs about $10,000 per year to own and run, a “demand reduction” strategy could reduce not only energy needs, but financial burdens on people. A strategy with a “double dividend,” long term.

Instead of seeking more profits from power exports to California, why not work like crazy to reduce our food imports from that distant state with a massive commitment to enhance local food production right here? The same energy reduction benefits would result, and creating a true green economy (literally).

Who’s being ‘realistic’?

The retort, of course, is that such ideas aren’t politically realistic.

Not so, says one of the gurus of energy planning, Vaclav Smil of the University of Manitoba. On the contrary, he argues that the history of creating new energy supply systems has shown that the challenges are so enormous that “none of the promises for greatly accelerated energy transitions will be realized.” Message: it’s the renewable energy folks who aren’t realistic.

Meanwhile, the distinguished American geographer David Harvey points out in an April 2 interview in DemocracyNow! that the global economy was worth $4 trillion in 1950 and is now at $56 trillion. With all hands on deck to stimulate it way past even that, and to do so for as far into the future as anyone can contemplate, we are hitting the “limits environmentally, socially, politically…. In other words, we have to think about a zero-growth economy.” Message: it’s the whole economistic agenda that’s unrealistic.

In the competition of unrealities, I will throw my lot in with those who would create new political possibilities. At least we would be working with the feedback we are getting from nature, not continuing to work against it.

Environmental politics for this century

To ensure the success of avowedly green energy projects, governments in British Columbia and Ontario now promise to pay big subsidies for more power, and they have rewritten provincial legislation to prevent local communities from deciding whether they want these development proposals. In contrast, in the United States, the federal government is looking at new forms of neighbourhood governance that might refashion all forms of resource and energy use at the community level.

Actually empowering citizens to try out new things where they live entails a form of what Harvard law professor Roberto Unger calls “democratic experimentalism.” DemocracyNow! calls it “deep democracy.” Not here.

For citizens in this province, a choice presents itself. Does climate change demand an impossible technological response to “power up” new sources of energy to fuel an impossibly expanding political economy?

Or does it demand an active democratic response that can inspire a new movement to “power down” into a calmer economy, and a livable future?

When you push past our collective denial, most people know the answer here. But they don’t know how to do it. As the climate clock ticks, this is the real work to be done.

PowerUp? No thanks.

PowerDown? Sign me up!

 
  
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