Seeing Social Movement Theory in Christmas Movies

I’m hyper-attuned to building a social movement. In fact, I’m seeing it all over the place, from tight clusters of birds whipping around in their collective unconscious to Christmas movies.

Watching Polar Express tonight reminded me of my favourite part of the film near the end. Everyone’s waiting for Santa to come out and play. All the elves are standing around mumbling. Then there’s this converging anarchy of voices leading to an “ooooooOOOOOOhhhhhHHHHH yyyyyyYYYYYooooooOOOOOOUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUU…” that coalesces into “Oh, you better watch out,” etc. of “Santa Claus is Coming to Town.” Many disparate voices joining together.

So I’m thinking about the abject failure of the Copenhagen summit for climate change a few weeks ago. Not surprising, really, when I think about it because the other day I was cutting some french toast in half [well 2/3 and 1/3] to see if my daughter would pick the bigger half. Game theory: the person who cuts is not the one who picks which half. I figured that was related to the realpolitik BS that killed Copenhagen.

So then I started reading up on the The One Degree War and how Evo Morales is convening a climate summit for social movements on Earth Day next year. The first begins a dialogue on solving a global crisis in an open-source, non-proprietary way; it feels quite cooperative. The second recognizes that a way past the 17th century political culture that killed Copenhagen is to convene a movement of movements.

I was thinking of that when I started Canada22.org on Earth Day in 2006, but I didn’t have the mobilization juice to scale it up to a provincial or federal level. But it’s nice to see now that organizations like TckTckTck.org have been able to hack together 15 million people to mobilize in advance of Copenhagen and we now have 11 months to mobilize before COP16 in Mexico next winter.

If we are ever going to get from zero-sum politics to positive-sum gains, we have to change the rules and deligitimize the old politics. And the people have to take control. And we have to see through the corporate greenwashing of Hopenhagen and realize their vibe contributed to the pablum document in Copenhagen and destroyed real movements for climate justice.

Social movements are a dire threat to political parties that still operate in the 17th century and maybe even the 20th century paradigm. Paradigm mechanics like TckTckTck.org and Evo Morales and George Monbiot are most able to pivot us into a new era. We have to get on board or our leaders will sell us down the tar sands river, starting with the Canadian prime minister.

Now I just have to figure out if Bert and Ernie [the cop and cab driver..which is which? and does it matter?] in It’s A Wonderful Life are really the inspiration for the Sesame Street characters and if there’s a nascent social movement brewing there. Then I’ll really have something.

Economic Growth is a Cancer: Meet Steady State Economics

For decades I’ve been hearing about and studying how humans are living beyond the planet’s capability of sustaining us…and that we’ve been doing so quite unequally.

And what have we done about that? Embraced neoliberal, deregulated free market capitalism: the economic expression of rape and pillage.

Reduce, reuse, recycle neglects the real first R: refuse.

Our notion of progress requires growth and improvement. We measure this in expansion of GDP and trade. But we are so divorced from the ramifications of our lifestyle that despite all the canaries dying in coal mines, we still might screw up Copenhagen beginning this weekend and leave the meeting with a world lacking unity on averting climate breakdown. And Canada may end up being the spoiler.

We are divorced from the reality of nature’s cycles. We think of growth as linear and upward and not cyclical and level. Nature goes in a circle of seasons. We don’t get more winter or spring each year, we just have equilibrium.

Even our calendars do not help us realize this, which is why this new way of envisioning a calendar is quite liberating: Chris Hardman’s Ecological Calendar.

And if people whack the equilibrium, the ecosystem responds. My children may be the victims of that response for decades more years than I will remain alive. If we cannot stomach that, we need to make sure Copenhagen works.

But how do we get off the economic growth addiction?

It requires a massive reframing. 20 years ago, there were no drink or paper recycling containers in schools and offices. Now they’re ubiquitous.

That took a reframed mindset.

Take also environmental footprints, a concept virtually unknown a decade ago. Now it is a useful and widely understood analytical tool for thinking about our individual contribution to a better or worse environment.

Getting off the economic growth fix can mean embracing steady state economics. This is an economic model that treats the economy as a means to human ends, not maximizing short-term shareholder wealth.

But what does anyone know about this model of zero-growth economics? Follow the link above and read the brief description of the values inherent in the model: sustainable scale, fair distribution, efficient allocation. Do they resonate with you? Do they seem more appealing for your moral goals for our relationship with the planet than getting a 9-18% return on your investments until you retire? Because that is the trade off.

More blatantly, the trade off is between something more like a 1-5% return on your investments or reframing our economy so the majority world living in poverty has a better chance at surviving and living in dignity.

If we cannot conceive of economic growth as being a cancer, it may not be because it’s wrong. It may be because we’ve been drinking this Kool-Aid fed to us in a steady marketing diet since birth. How could we be expected to see things differently. We need to use our imagination to contend with liberating ideas that are challenging to our unquestioned mindset.

Try steady state. 4 out of 5 dentists surveyed find it a healing tonic for ecological turmoil caused by neoliberal economics.

The Blue Summit Declaration: A Companion to Copenhagen

I was thrilled to read the Blue Summit Declaration that emerged from last weekend’s Blue Summit in Ottawa celebrating the 10th anniversary of Water Watch. As we head into Copenhagen in a few days, it is critical to assert companion declarations about the sanctity of core elements of life and the symbiotic relationship we must recognize with them.

Water is core.

Clearly, it is a human right, though like other core elements of life it is being commodified all around us.

Water justice, security, democracy and knowledge are the cornerstones of the declaration. In my most hopeful moments, I see Copenhagen as a time where Canada can be dragged into line for progressive policy to not eradicate my children’s chances at a sustainable environmental future.

If we can work to avert climate breakdown, reframe our economy to serve humans within the context of environmental equilibrium by eradicating the cancer of growth, then we will need to embrace proactive, constructive paradigms of existence. The Blue Summit Declaration is just that.

Every group that cares about any progressive cause in any sector should be endorsing this declaration.

And if we ever need a philosophical ally in eradicating bottled water from society, this is a great start.

Oh Canada, the Climate Criminal

George Monbiot is one of my heroes.

The breadth of clarity he brings to issues is quite refreshing. He has finally given in to pressure, thankfully, to start taking shots at our wonderful, glorious, selfless, polite and all-around loving country.

Canada is a climate criminal. Stephen Harper and the Conservative-Liberal coalition government are the don and mob standing guard for the tar sands, not thee, or thee, or thee, or anyone else who has to live on the planet.

It’s not brain surgery. We have all this dirty oil that takes insane amounts of energy to extract and process. It is environmentally devastating and requires oil to sell beyond a reasonably high price to justify the billions of dollars of investment to get at it. And peak oil’s supply crunch should provide that high oil price.

That sure sounds like the better mousetrap!

Except that we’re trying to get off oil as it is. And here sits Canada, poised to become an even greater pariah state than any of the OPEC nations or Axis of Evil members because we want to further aggravate climate breakdown by processing more oil so we can get rich. Screw everyone else, the ice caps, ice shelves, glaciers, sea level residents, the poor, etc.

We can finally be a world power, but not in a good way.

Bad Canada. Bad.

Almost a century and a half of reasonable progressiveness that makes us all think that on the whole, Canada is a swell chum. But when we look at how easy it is to suck all that gunk out of the prairies, embrace the cash and screw everyone else, maybe it’s time we started to think of our nation not so much as good, with some bad times [residential schools, cultural genocide, internment camps, disenfranchisement, supporting foreign evil-doers], but on the whole bad, with aberrations of niceness [peacekeeping, apologizing too much, Anne Murray].

So let’s make the bad man stop.

Stephen Harper’s email address is HarpeS@parl.gc.ca

His phone number in Ottawa is 1.613.992.4211 and at his constituency office, you can call him at 1.403.253.7990.

His Conservative-Liberal coalition co-leader is Michael Ignatieff, whose email address is IgnatM@parl.gc.ca

His phone number in Ottawa is 1.613.995.9364 and at his constituency office, you can call him at 1.416.251.5510.

You need to contact these criminals this week because the Copenhagen climate summit starts on the weekend and we can’t be the deal breaker. None of us could live with ourselves if we let it happen.

I suggest you email them both with explicit instructions to agree to the highest level of cooperation possible, not the minimum, and that we have to resist tar sands free lunch and leave it in the ground because there’s a catch: everyone pays, and we don’t want to be the ones delivering the bill.

And when you call their office, be nice to their staff because they are having to field the calls of thousands of angry Canadians.

Exercise your democracy and free speech, because everyone else’s hope for a better life for themselves and their descendants is depending on us not to ruin Copenhagen.

Then, on 12.12.09 find or start a vigil and gather to encourage world leaders to not destroy our descendants’ quality of life through greed, selfishness, fear or inaction. Time is running out.

We’re Failing Our Grandchildren on Stopping Climate Breakdown

Our grandchildren will hate us for our informed inaction on climate change. I refuse to bear this.

I’m watching a National Geographic documentary on climate breakdown right now on the Knowledge Network. Saharan dust storms are madly increasing the rates of asthma and decreasing the health of sea fans on the reefs…in the Caribbean!

The increase in effects of GHGs in the last 30 years has increased the Saharan dust flying to kids’ lungs in the Caribbean. We KNOW this. Pleading ignorance is an offense to my children’s children.

Satellite-photos-of-the-A-003
US satellites are documenting
more and more decline in ice. Are we acting yet? Only in a greenwashing way. Click on the photos to read about what is happening while we embrace mostly inaction.

New polling indicates real inconsistencies. Strong majorities of citizens in some countries are demanding more action, while similar sizes in other countries are dancing with complacency. Two of the latter countries are China and the USA. Together, those countries can eradicate efforts by the rest of the world.

We have to massively reduce our energy consumption in how we live, work and consume. We must force our leaders to lead in this.

I know I’m going to answer to my grandchildren. I already blame my parents’ generation for somewhat ignorantly contributing to many of our current problems, not the least of which are massive materialism and consumerism. How much more will we be judged by our descendants for ruining their world, knowing that we know better. The answer? To a degree I refuse to accept passively.

Alarmism and reactionary pleas seem to be increasing, policies seem to be improving somewhat, but we’re squandering our handful of years left to make the massive changes necessary to avoid breakdown. Now, shake your head and read this. And let’s get busy.

Think about how you will look your grandchildren in the eye. I’m not looking forward to that conversation.

Chinese Protectionism Offends Our Protectionism, Oh My!

We’re now entering a new era of profound hypocrisy from global neoliberal capitalists.

Today’s Globe and Mail had a cover story about China hoarding raw materials for infrastructure development while getting all protectionist with export controls to keep those materials from getting to the industrialized world, where presumably we deserve to have them more than the Chinese who happen to be able to afford them, what with their massive positive trade balance with the rapidly impoverishing United States.

Here are two more of China’s crimes: their new Buy China policy and new policies where “Chinese manufacturers get preferential access to [infrastructure materials] at cheap prices, forcing the rest of the world to pay more.”

While North America and Europe are confronting China’s new protectionism at the WTO, we learn that—shock!—we’re doing the same thing. In the same article, with no hint of irony, we read that “most industrialized countries have applied policies that can affect trade flows…such as toughened Buy American rules in the United States.”

And why not? In a global recession, stimulating the economy by spending money domestically—even with borrowing billions—contributes to a multiplier effect that enhances people’s incomes and economic stability instead of bleeding profits to off-shore tax havens where many global corporations are legally based.

Then we get more hypocritical indignation: China’s stance is “’part of the game that gets played in China,’ said Peter Morici, former chief economist at the U.S. International Trade Commission….‘It’s illegal and it violates WTO rules.’”

While protectionist measures do violate WTO neoliberal free trade agreements, there is nothing “illegal” about it. The WTO is not law, but a draconian clearinghouse of voluntary neoliberal agreements with binding penalties with which richer countries pummel poorer, more desperate countries.

Brazil violated intellectual property provisions when it broke international patent agreements to produce cheap HIV/AIDS drugs to keep people from dying. If that’s illegal, they’re certainly my kind of criminals.

Brazil and China’s actions are merely violating voluntary contractual agreements. They may endure penalties, or maybe not, what with the WTO losing teeth by the month. But sovereign nations are still sovereign nations with the right to develop internal policies. If those policies conflict with their WTO obligations, something will have to give.

My guess is that with the horribly stalled WTO negotiations, the global neoliberal trade regime, will continue to atrophy as peak oil undermines the affordability of global production chains.

So what we see now is a different kind of race: not a race to the bottom, but a race for states to empower their capacity to be bioregionally self-sufficient.

And if you think you’ll hear fewer stories of global economic protectionism, you need to go back to the 20th century because you won’t make it in this century with that framework.

via China hoarding building blocks to recovery, U.S. charges – The Globe and Mail.

Oil Status Quo Apologists Spin Weak Arguments

Maclean’s Colin Campbell has produced today an interesting counterpoint to my exuberance over Jeff Rubin’s convenient vindication of my peak oil killing neoliberal globalization thesis. And despite Rubin not knowing me, I fell it’s appropriate to defend him–and my–sense of the near future. My comments are indented.

Energy shock and oil myths

Will soaring prices crush globalization? Don’t bet on it.

Jeff Rubin was, for years, a lonely voice among economists when it came to predicting the price of oil. In 2007—when crude began the year at a relatively modest $50 a barrel—Rubin, then the chief economist at CIBC, all but staked his reputation on a prediction that oil was about to hit triple-digit prices and never look back. In his reports, speeches and even addresses to skeptical oil executives, he preached the end of the era of cheap fossil fuels. “The bottom line is, we’re in the bottom of the ninth inning of the hydrocarbon age,” he declared at a conference that year. Like any economic soothsayer, he had flubbed some calls in the past, but this, it seemed, was different. Oil prices kept rising just as he said they would until last summer, when the big spike hit and oil surged to over $140 a barrel. Rubin’s star rose right along with the price of crude.

This concept became Rubin’s preoccupation, and in his spare time—unbeknownst to his bosses at CIBC—he started writing a book about how the era of soaring oil prices would change the world profoundly and forever. This winter, Rubin told CIBC about the project and his plans to promote it, and the two decided to part ways. “I don’t think the message of this book is necessarily a message that any particular investment bank would want to be associated with,” said Rubin in an interview.

It’s easy to see why. Oil has since fallen back to about $60 a barrel, but Rubin is as certain as ever about the future of fossil fuels. In Why Your World is About to Get a Whole Lot Smaller, he argues that the current cool-down in prices is merely a brief respite before the next, even more severe spike. When the recession ends, “demand is likely to pop back up like a jack-in-the-box,” he writes. And, because “our whole way of life depends on the price at the pumps,” the disappearance of cheap oil could mark the end of life as we know it. Rubin subscribes to the notion of “peak oil”—a long-held hypothesis that production will soon max out and begin a long, slow descent, one that will bring about the end of cheap food, air travel, car culture, the potential disintegration of our tolerant society, and most importantly, the breakdown of the system of globalization.

- Ok, right here, I’m going to have to accuse Colin Campbell of some spin. Peak oil is not a notion. It has either already happened, will hit soon or will hit eventually. This is because oil is finite. It has to peak. I also don’t think it’s likely to be a long, slow descent. I suspect that with the volatility of oil prices of 2008, there could easily be more monstrous volatility in price and surprising elasticity in this staple of existence for the minority world. To imply notional status to peak oil, in quotes even, is to put Campbell on the path to denial like climate change deniers who I’m still happy to put in the same Venn diagram with holocaust deniers.

But there is a problem with the premise to which Rubin has attached his career and his reputation: a growing number of economists, and even environmentalists, say this dark scenario is flat-out wrong. It obsesses with counting how many barrels of oil are left in the ground. It also oversimplifies the powerful force of globalization, all the while ignoring some dramatic changes now unfolding; changes that could significantly reduce the world’s reliance on oil. New technologies, new forms of energy, and a new focus on conservation and efficiency are shifting us onto a dramatically different energy path. Your world is not about to get smaller, they say, but it is about to get a whole lot leaner.

- If we choose to not obsess about the number of barrels left in the ground, we can just count them. Then when they’re gone, they’re gone. Some time before that will be peak oil. And we go with counts from OPEC: they’ve been lying about their reserves for up to a few decades, which is why we don’t really know how much oil is left. The producers know, but “we” don’t. So how closely we count barrels may not really matter much.

- Oversimplifying globalization is a stretch of a criticism of the former chief economist of Podunk Bank. No, I meant CIBC World Markets. Rubin may understand better than everyone in the world except for a few hundred people the sophistication of globalization.

- Conservation, efficiencies, new technology and new energy forms are great. I love them. I want to see them all on-stream and making the world awesome in 12 months or less. In fact, I so want them to happen in the next 5 years or so to meet our last window to stop what the UN climate scientists have been warning about. Do I think corporate and thereby, political, will is capable of ensuring that, even with the nationalization of GM today? No. We’re more likely to bypass our proactive window and suffer radical energy and economic shocks. Humans are lazy, greedy and focussed on today more than saving or planning for tomorrow. Please, someone, prove me wrong so the Arctic ice cap doesn’t melt a few summers from now.

Two years ago, Peter Tertzakian, the chief energy economist for ARC Financial Corp., appeared as a guest on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart. Talking about a future energy crisis, Stewart posed one of his trademark, over-the-top questions: “How long do we have before masked madmen roam the cities with AK-47s, Mad Max style?” Tertzakian, who looks like a brainy version of Stewart with glasses and flecks of grey hair, cracked a lopsided smile. “It may not come to that,” he deadpanned. “The good news is that although these transition periods in energy are uncomfortable, usually we come out for the better.” Just as whale oil was replaced by kerosene, which was eventually replaced by today’s fossil fuels, another shift will come.

- Sure energy shifts do occur. Comparing the most profound reliance on one energy source in all of human existence, oil, to the transition from whale oil to kerosene to fossil fuels suggests the scale of economic/energy activity during all those shifts, as well as their effect on climate, are comparable. They’re far from comparable. That’s a terrible, self-serving analogy.

In his latest book, The End of Energy Obesity, Tertzakian goes even farther, arguing that escaping the energy trap may not be as difficult as it’s made out to be. Some relatively painless changes in our everyday behaviour could radically, and quickly, reduce the amount of oil we need, he says. Many of Tertzakian’s arguments actually closely parallel Rubin’s. Both authors trace the same historical problems with society’s oil addiction and how closely energy consumption has always been tied to wealth creation. And both see problems with past efforts to create energy efficiencies—ironically, past gains have only prompted people to use more energy. But Tertzakian sees the world heading off on a very different trajectory than Rubin.

- I loved the end of Gore’s movie because it showed a graph with curves of our intervention. We “could” change this, that and the other thing and avoid the 2 degree temperature increase that will put us over the climate edge. But will we? Tertzakian thinks it’s possible. So do I. But judging from the corporate-government cabal that is, at best, producing greenwashing, irrelevant plans to avert climate breakdown, I’m growing pessimistic. That really bugs me.

- But I will also suggest that such “relatively painless” changes are mythical. 20 years ago, many people were quite satisfied that recycling paper and containers will save the planet. Naive? Yes. Convenient? You bet. Then we grew to love Hummers and NASCAR.

Too often, says Tertzakian, writers and economists who subscribe to the doomsday scenarios are “trapped into thinking about energy in the energy realm.” He argues you first need to flip the problem on its head. The amount of energy we use is actually much less than the amount that’s extracted at the source, he says. For instance, of every 100 barrels of oil produced at the wellhead, only 15 barrels are ultimately used by the consumer. All the rest—85 barrels worth—is frittered away, whether in the refining process or in gas engines (where most of the fuel is burned off as heat, not power). The losses are even more dismal when it comes to electricity. For every 100 lb. of coal used to produce electricity, only two per cent reaches the light bulb in your house—98 lb. are lost, either escaping as heat in power lines and transfer stations, or wasted by inefficient appliances. That means small changes in behaviour to limit the amount of energy we use (or waste) ripple up through the system exponentially. “For every unit I don’t use at the wheel, I don’t have to find six units at the wellhead,” says Tertzakian. And for every unit of electricity that isn’t used, there’s a 50-times savings at the power plant. These inefficiencies are “our biggest failing when it comes to energy, but also our biggest opportunity,” he says.

- This whole paragraph presumes that the light bulb I don’t turn on today will allow the multiplied amount of energy to be stored so that it can be more productive way in the future at a lower multiplier level. Honestly, someone is going to turn on a light bulb tomorrow and it will be just as inefficient. If we left the tar sands oil in the ground…now THAT would make a difference!

Of course, the idea of cutting back energy use has long implied cutting back on our standard of living. But for the first time ever, that may no longer be true. New technologies emerging, not from the energy business, but out of California’s Silicon Valley, could make all the difference, says Tertzakian. Take Cisco’s new virtualization technology—a kind of futuristic version of Skype—that could dramatically reduce the need for people to travel and commute in the near future. Or “intelligent buildings” that can automatically monitor where people are and cut back unnecessary energy use. Other technologies have already started to change our habits, from the way we buy music to the way we get our news. These “very small changes in the way we live, work and play can amplify up into big changes in not needing energy at the source,” says Tertzakian.

- Technolust, Star Wars-loving capitalists often use the old dream that new technology will solve today’s unsolvable problems so we should just keep on being irresponsible because our future selves will save us. This is the height of immaturity.

- Fewer business flights, better power management in buildings, purchasing fewer physical CDs and newspapers are fantastic. They’re also drops in the bucket of what is contributing to climate breakdown. The public desperately wants to hear that putting on a sweater and turning down the heat will save the planet because we don’t want to admit what we’ve known for decades: the rich, minority world is using more energy and resources than everyone else and we’re destroying the planet with our footprint. 

Oil demand is already falling. The International Energy Agency said demand this year will fall by over 2.5 million barrels per day, the steepest drop since the early 1980s. Much of that is because of the recession—business is cutting production and people are buying less and therefore we’re consuming less energy. But there is also some evidence of these early technological changes at work, argues Tertzakian.

- I’m very excited about these technological changes. How many business flights must we choose to forego, however, to make a real dent in our climate breakdown contributions? All of them? How many times must we turn off the lights in the bathroom at work? All the time? Will that make that much of a difference? The trick is to figure out where the carbon emissions come from and stop those. Not just drop them 10%. The tar sands: we have to leave it all in the ground. Do we have the political will to resist the temptation? Ralph Klein and Dick Cheney have already planned the tar sands’ exploitation so the boat sailed on that option already. 

The Rocky Mountain Institute, an NGO led by the energy scientist Amory Lovins, has been advocating for several years that not only is it possible to wean ourselves off of oil in the next few decades, but that it can be done almost entirely through changes in transportation. Some of the biggest savings can be found simply by making cars lighter and continuing the shift toward hybrids and electrics, says Lionel Bony, a director at the institute. “You can probably get rid of about half the oil we need through efficiency” and do it in the next 20 years, he says.

- The next few decades? Even Al Gore, not so much the posterchild of a radical post-carbon economy advocates, says the USA has to be off carbon by the middle of the next decade, not in the next few decades with weaning. I think the Rocky Mountain folks are right that changing transportation is the key. But it’s not just lighter cars and one less business flight per year. It’s food. Commuting is a carbon whore, but most of most people’s food comes from too far away. When the price of our food staples reflects the real costs of transportation, will we really see 49 cent pounds of bananas ever again? The bioregional diet is an imperative. So, oil efficiencies in 20 years? Not good enough.

That such savings can be found within the current energy system is crucial in an age when big bets are being made on new technologies like electric cars. Those like Rubin are quick to pour cold water on the idea that we can wean ourselves off of gas-powered vehicles and switch over to electric power. Big cities, like Toronto, barely have enough power to keep air conditioners running all summer, he points out. But energy officials say a shortage of generating capacity isn’t the obstacle it once was. This spring, the chairman of the U.S. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, Jon Wellinghoff, said the U.S. may not need any more nuclear or coal plants “ever,” adding that wind, solar and biomass could supply enough energy to meet demand. The technology is all there to make a much more efficient power grid, he said.

- At this point, I’m just finding Colin Campbell to be a pandering apologist for minimalist change to produce maximum effect. 20 years ago we learned the 3 Rs: reduce, reuse, recycle. We embraced the third because it allowed us to keep shopping and not bother with second hand clothes and cars so much. The bulk of the 3 Rs was to be in reduction, then reusing, then the remainder was about recycling. We turned that on its head, grinned widely when we put recycling containers in public buildings and went to sleep feeling smug. Arguing that modest energy conservation will reverse the climate breakdown from massive over-consumption is similarly ignorant. And while the new technologies are capable of some day providing us with the energy to supply our irresponsible level of desires today, will they come in the next few years before the climate breakdown window closes? We’ll see from the GM nationalization: will they re-tool for high-speed rail, buses, light rail and solar and wind infrastructure or will we have merely 35 mpg cars with a slight nod to more hybrids?

Besides, ending the dependency on oil doesn’t mean replacing every car on the road with an electric vehicle, but just enough to cool demand for crude. We may be nearing that point already. Last month, Exxon Mobil said that the U.S. consumption of gasoline has peaked, and predicted that demand for auto fuel will shrink by more than 20 per cent by 2030. Companies like the California-based Better Place are already building the necessary electric car infrastructure. Last month, it unveiled the first station where drivers can drop off exhausted batteries and grab charged ones in the time it would take to fill a tank of gas. “It’s not that big a hurdle,” says Sean Harrington, who manages the company’s Canadian arm. “It can be done.”

- Cooling demand for oil is amazing. If I widen a highway, people will drive more to fill the capacity. If I move from a one bedroom to a three bedroom apartment I will accumulate clutter to fill the space. People will not voluntarily reduce their demand for oil. And if we were to drop our demand by 20% over the next 20 years, we’ll be about 15 years too late. I guess Colin Campbell isn’t really listening to the timelines from the UN climate scientists. And while I know it can be done to shift everyone over to a new paradigm of transportation like electric cars when we have summer power brownouts, I still haven’t seen Campbell explain how we can get the alternative energy infrastructure in place fast enough to ramp up electrical demand so incredibly to get us off carbon before the UN climate deadlines pass. It works, though, if everyone just thinks the timeline is “someday.” Then it’s too late and our children will really hate us and they won’t let us even MEET our grandchildren.

Like Rubin, Tertzakian sees another oil spike on the horizon as the economy recovers—likely a return to triple-digit oil prices. But he argues that spike will be the next important catalyst that leads some of these new technologies to be even more widely adopted. Tertzakian points out the speed with which technologies like the Apple iPhone have been snapped up—one million were sold in the first three months it was on the market. Today’s energy-saving technologies are a lot like colour TVs in the 1950s, he says. They exist, but people don’t have a compelling reason to rush out and buy them—at least not yet.

- The elasticity of oil at ridiculously high prices [relatively] will determine the speed at which people switch to something new. The iPhone was not a new paradigm of phone. It’s a cell phone that processes more data than older cell phones. It’s marketing is sexier, though. Altering our transportation paradigm to one with a much smaller ecological footprint would be like moving from iPhones to postcards. And since gas prices in Europe have been twice our prices for some time, I don’t see Europe embracing the post-car culture. A friend says that while they have alternatives, cars are still ubiquitous.

When oil prices soared last summer it was hard to be optimistic about our ability to cut our addiction to cheap fuel. Almost overnight, siphoning gas from parked cars became the crime du jour. People were suddenly spending more on gas than groceries. It was during this crisis that Rubin was constructing his thesis and the warning that this was just a taste of what lies ahead.

High oil prices don’t just hit you in the pocketbook, he explains. They threaten to unravel an entire economic system that relies on shipping goods around the world. Those cheap electronics you buy at Walmart are only cheap because they’re made in China and hauled across the ocean in massive container ships. When the cost of shipping those goods more than doubles, as it did last year, then this system starts to look very vulnerable. At the very least, high oil prices will turn the clocks back 40 years to a time when nations lay “safely cocooned within huge tariff walls,” says Rubin.

It’s a terrifying scenario, if for no other reason than the fact that globalization has spread economic benefits around the world. Erasing 40 years of that kind of progress would be a catastrophe. By Rubin’s definition, globalization is little more than a “fancy word” for “moving your factory to the cheapest labour market in the world.” But that’s just one element of a much more diverse system, says Karl Moore, the co-author of The Origins of Globalization. “It’s not just economics,” he says. “It’s also how interlinked we are as societies.” More than cheap consumer goods, globalization has underwritten unprecedented improvements in the standard of living the world over, fuelled massive amounts of immigration, driven political change, as well as advances in technology and the spread of ideas. Does such a vast global system really teeter, like an upsidedown pyramid, on oil prices?

- Well, critics of neoliberal globalization are far from terrified by the end of the global ecological, labour, resource, wage, and regulatory race to the bottom. Globalization has spread oppressively uneven benefits around the world. If globalization contributed an extra 100 loonies to global GDP, distributing them by giving me 99 and you one loonie still allows me to say that all boats rise. It’s true, but people aren’t looking at rising income inequality. I’m fine erasing that 40 years of bifurcating wealth in as fast a time as possible.

- Improvements in the standard of living are notable for probably 1 billion of the 4 billion poorest humans. That’s nice and all, but honestly, this is no big deal, since the number of desperately poor is increasing. Immigration? We’re talking about illegal or “guest” workers who have little access to real immigration without a cash investment. How many new Canadians are accredited professionals back home, while they deliver pizza here? Political change? Structural adjustment programs have impoverished billions. Advances in technology are irrelevant for the majority of humans who have never made a phone call. Exchanging ideas? While I like listening to African radio stations in iTunes, the poorest several billion human beings have not enjoyed some good old-fashioned political debate on electoral reform. Food. Clothing. Shelter. Pretty basic ideas they’re still struggling for.

Moore says globalization simply isn’t that fragile. It will not get thrown into reverse, but it will continue to evolve, as it always has. “Twenty years ago we didn’t talk about [outsourcing to] China or India very much at all. If you had said those are two big trends, we would have scratched our heads and said, ‘I don’t see it.’ ” Short of truly extreme oil prices (in the range of $500 a barrel), globalization will “continue to go in new and surprising directions,” he says.

- Globalization will evolve, sure. But before outsourcing and foreign product sourcing, the level of global trade was very much smaller than today. The guts of today’s globalization orbit cheap oil. Increase its cost tenfold to $500/barrel and we’ll still buy bananas? I certainly won’t. And I’d love to see a new kind of globalization: one that spreads economic, social and political justice around the world, universal education, healthcare, living wages, functional electoral systems. That’s MY kind of globalization!

Alarmists tend to portray affordable oil as the precondition for global trade, when it is really just one variable among many. Jagdish Bhagwati is a professor of economics at Columbia University and the author of In Defense of Globalization. He says there is a basic flaw in this end-of-globalization argument. It assumes that rising oil prices will affect only transportation costs. But that’s not the case, he says. Oil prices also affect the production costs of traded goods. If those production costs go up more in the importing countries than exporting ones, that makes trading more profitable, which offsets the added transportation costs, explains Bhagwati.

- I won’t attack Bhagwati here. I’ve done enough of that while getting my political economy degrees. He is, at best an apologist for bilking economically disadvantaged foreigners. The fact that Colin Campbell is turning to him says a lot about Campbell’s arguments.

- But Bhagwati is right in arguing that if the oil used in producing hockey sticks in Canada becomes more expensive than the oil used in making hockey sticks in Vermont or Peru, trade will occur. Fascinating premise. It applies to maybe Venezuela and few else, since they’ve been fighting Big Oil to ensure domestic oil costs are low. Once they start exporting hockey sticks to Canada, they’ll get the Bhagwati bump. And if they can do that with everything everyone produces, they’ll rule the world. Bhagwati’s premise is bunk, on the aggregate.

Fears of China’s rising energy demand pushing up oil prices—and wrecking globalization—also tend to be overstated, argues Lovins, the head of the Rocky Mountain Institute. Much has been said about U.S. President Barack Obama’s ambitious new energy scheme, but already China is on pace to become the world leader in fuel cell technology and electric motors and has far surpassed the U.S. when it comes to developing and building cleaner coal plants. “China’s leadership is deathly afraid of falling into the oil trap that we did,” said Lovins, speaking at a recent conference on energy security.

- OK, let’s assume clean coal actually exists and is viable today. It’s not, but let’s pretend. The scale of China’s use of dirty coal is profound. The fact that they may be ahead of the USA on better coal means little since the USA is a coal whore still. So, big deal.

As fuel costs eventually begin to rise again, some trade will inevitably dry up. Indeed, as Rubin outlines, that’s already happened with steel shipments from China to North America and the trade of bulky furniture. But for all the panic of last year’s oil spike, the changes it prompted haven’t been overly dramatic. It turns out there’s a lot of low-hanging fruit that can be picked off by rising oil prices before society starts to crumble. Rubin highlights a few, from lamb shipped from New Zealand to salmon that’s caught off the coast of Norway, shipped to China for processing, then finally to North America for consumption.

- Last year’s oil panic was an experiment by the supply and demand curve wonks who work for Big Oil. They were doing elasticity experiments on the North American population, figuring out responsiveness to price changes that were largely speculative or merely manufactured. Then they returned the price of oil to normal to keep from interfering with the US presidential election. I’m sure they learned a lot about our dependence on oil and how to maximize profits while oil supplies dwindle. Remember, the only ones who know how much oil is actually left are Big Oil and the oil producing countries. 

Rubin argues that if you add up enough of these seemingly minor changes, the world will eventually be unrecognizable. But this isn’t necessarily a bad thing, he says. “I don’t think this book is apocalyptic in any sense,” he says. There are upsides to the story: manufacturing jobs will come home, far-flung suburbs will be reclaimed by farms for local food production, he argues. And while Rubin disagrees that the world will be able to sidestep future oil spikes through new energy policies and new technologies, he doesn’t completely buy the dark prophecies of the peak oil theorists. “We may be energy poor, but we are innovation rich and necessity is the mother of invention,” he writes in the book’s conclusion. “I wouldn’t write off our economies just yet.” Luckily for the doomsday set, the people now shaping our energy system have not.

- Well, as someone written off as part of the doomsday set along with the hundreds of UN climate scientists who keep moving the climate doomsday deadline closer, I can’t say I share the same faith in our energy masters. Short term profit maximization and the will to avoid squandering extractable oil resources, despite the climate breakdown consequences, rule their motivations. If you trust them, you share their denial.

Peak Oil Will Kill Neoliberal Globalization: More Support

A year ago today, I wrote about how a few years earlier at lunch with friends I was thinking that peak oil will kill neoliberal globalization. Last year, there was a piece in Report on Business about just that, making me feel mighty vindicated. It’s nice to see corporate media affirming your views.

A few minutes ago, I finished watching a Tuesday rerun of the now former chief economist at CIBC, Jeff Rubin, plugging his new book, Why Your World Is About To Get A Lot Smaller, on Stroumboulopoulos’ The Hour. Watch the clip. He’s all over this thing now, which is part of the reason why he left the CIBC two months ago. This helps his credibility.

So at first, I thought that he’s more vindication for my ideas from a few years ago, but not so much.

When I went back to look at last year’s piece, wouldn’t you know it, but Jeff Rubin is one of the fellows quoted in the article. And since his book is out now, it was in the can last year when he was mentioned in the article. So the fellow was already planning his exit strategy.

So despite all the greenwashing miniscule attempts at mitigating climate change without altering our consumerist and corporate worship, it’s nice to hear the CIBC’s former chief economist talking about bioregional survival, the necessary rise of domestic manufacturing, eating local food and skipping winter avocados unless we move to avocado-land, which I won’t do. I’ll be reading his book!

So what’s our job? Start planning to voluntarily simplify our lives. Read Thomas Homer-Dixon’s The Upside of Down to learn what real resilience-building means. Crippled markets with unaffordable gasoline, ecological crises and a deepening recession/depression will force us to simplify anyway, so we’d best get on it! And even if that 3-part perfect storm doesn’t happen, simplifying is better for you, your family, your friends, the planet and the abused workers who make all the shit that you won’t have to buy anymore since when global markets decline they’ll be out of work making the Wal-Mart junk and they’ll do what we’ll be doing: eating bioregionally.

Force your political party to start developing truly ecologically progressive policies that recognize 1) the crippling effects of climate change that the UN scientists say are accelerating faster than predicted, 2) the end of a local, national and global trade regime built on cheep energy, and 3) a global economic crisis that manifests the paradigm shift we will endure–either pro-actively or reactively, we get to take our pick.

So we have to become assertive paradigm mechanics to start re-tooling for a future that will start soon after the Olympics debacle cripples BC’s resilience next year with some kind of $74b debt. Lucky us. We also have to re-imagine community interdependence, bioregional agriculture and markets, and an end to greed-based individualistic consumerism. And the sooner we begin, the better.

Neighbours Organic Weekly Buyers Club [NOWBC] has figured this out, going one step past organic food delivery companies with local sourcing. Last week they held a community potluck at Heritage Hall on Main Street in Vancouver, which was delightful, child-friendly, entertaining, educational and full of healthy, yummy food. They talked about doing that event annually. They need to do it monthly, judging from the eager crowd!

Oh, by the way, while we’re on it all, let’s let the auto companies go under, or better yet, nationalize them to build transit and post-carbon autos. GM and Chrysler are on the brink and for a change, how about we insist that governments–who are elected by actual human beings–bail out the pension commitments to workers instead of tossing more of my future grandchildren’s income taxes into more corporate money pits!

So, what are you waiting for? If you have read this far, contact me and let’s get talking! And if you belong to the BC NDP, you absolutely HAVE to contact me because you need to get in on the ground floor of making that party the leader in wise planning for a tumultuous future!

Now. Let’s get busy!

Coining Phrases for Fun and Profit: “Paradigm Mechanic” and “Peak Clutter” Are the New Ones

First there was “The Four Horsemen of Structural Adjustment,” which showed up in my MA thesis on Canada’s squandering of an authentic human security agenda as our neoliberalism has made an economic colony of Haiti. I googled it and it was nowhere to be found in the context I determined. It’s all about how the IMF and World Bank cripple developing countries with conditions on their currency and development loans that lead to four of the worst of the ten elements of the Washington Consensus: rampant privatization, free trade, free capital flows, and government deregulation. Naomi Klein’s Shock Doctrine details the carnage of implementing neoliberalism.

But it took two years to come up with another google-free phrase: “Paradigm Mechanic” which erupted in a thoroughly inspiring conversation with a friend a few weeks ago about the paradigm shift we are on the cusp of. With the triple nexus, perfect storm of a collapsing neoliberal global economy, peak oil/water/food and climate change, we are going to be dragged into a new paradigm of economic, political and social existence…dragged because we are not pro-actively adjusting to mitigate the consequences of our rapacious global economy. And there are people who are already paradigm mechanics, inspiring me to build resilience in my local worlds: Thomas Homer-Dixon, Vandana Shiva, Maude Barlow, George Monbiot, Arundhati Roy, James Howard Kunstler. So while these and other folks are clear paradigm mechanics, our calling–for all of us–is to be paradigm mechanics. We need to tweak and [at times] smash elements of our current paradigm and fix it so our economy serves human beings and is respectful of our ecology and scarce resources.

And the last phrase coined came today. I was discussing an internal wiki page with a work colleague. It had been a work in progress over the last many months as a sort of to do list of meeting agenda items. My colleague found it was necessary to build a new wiki page to reflect a smoother arrangement of ideas because the current page was far too cluttered, in fact it had reached “Peak Clutter” where the rising curve of debris passed the falling curve of conceptual utility.

So. Feel free to use and propagate these new coined phrases. When I can figure out a royalty regime more effective than PayPal, I’ll let you all know.

Keith Baldry’s Sloppiness in Hiding His Bias

CanWest/Global’s Keith Baldry conveniently misses some details when sliding out some concluding statements lately.

First case:

An Opposition party usually wins when enough of the electorate desires a change in government. So far, there is little evidence to suggest that is the case in this province.

via Are the days of mass political rallies over?.

Little evidence? How about this from an Angus Reid poll last month:

“Amongst people ‘absolutely certain to vote’, the governing party is only two points ahead of the NDP (41% to 39%).”

“The BC election may well be determined by the turnout levels of supporters for each party.”

“Overall, 51 per cent of respondents across the province say it is ‘time for a change of government in British Columbia’ while only 34 per cent feel that the current government should be returned to office. When Gordon Campbell’s name was added to the question, only 30 per cent of respondents thought ‘Gordon Campbell should be re-elected’ while a majority (54%) said it was time for a different premier.”

Second case, when he is talking about the NDP’s opposition to the awful carbon tax that discriminates against people without adequate transit, people living in cold places, the climate since it’s part of Campbell’s plan to reduce way too few GHGs way too late, and all of us since by the time the tax is fully present, it will be no longer revenue neutral, but a regressive tax:

Further complicating the matter is the NDP’s opposition to green energy projects such as run-of-river and wind generation simply because they may be built by private companies, instead of BC Hydro.

via NDP sells environmental soul.

Many of them ARE being built by private companies, but the whole mess is full of problems:

  • slowly bankrupting BC Hydro by forcing it to pay insane rates for this private power
  • weak and neglected environmental considerations in building these plants
  • no coordination in the gold rush of licenses
  • no long-term respect for ecosystems
  • enacting legislation to stop local governments from having the right to stop these projects
  • privatizing electrical generation through the back door.

Here’s a tidy piece to ponder the issue more than Keith Baldry seems to have: End of Public Power in BC?

De-Spinning the Enviro NGO Mess in BC This Month

One of the best things to come this month from the controversies about how environmental NGOs view the NDP’s opposition to Campbell’s awful carbon tax is that people are realizing that climate change is not a 6-second sound bite.

Here is an absolutely amazing piece that reviews some truly sound points!

Tapping Our Wild Rivers Can’t Fix Climate Change

via Tapping Our Wild Rivers Can’t Fix Climate Change :: Views :: thetyee.ca.

Tapping Our Wild Rivers

Can’t Fix Climate Change

M’Gonigle of UVic: ‘Power down!’

Veteran enviro says no to Tzeporah Berman’s ‘PowerUp’ logic.

By Michael M’Gonigle
Published: April 20, 2009

TheTyee.ca

A week into the provincial election the person grabbing headlines is not a politician but an environmentalist. Tzeporah Berman helped lead the Clayoquot protests of ‘93 and then protect the Great Bear Rainforest but lately she’s been slamming the NDP for opposing the carbon tax while throwing her weight behind a huge new energy strategy embraced by the Liberals: run-of-river (RoR) power production.

And she’s pulling a lot of others with her — while getting many others fired up in disbelief and anger.

Berman and her influential allies want us to believe that only by harnessing renewable “green” energy can we reduce global warming. And that the time for debate is past; now we must just do it.

I’m one long-time environmentalist who couldn’t disagree more.

As one of the founders of Greenpeace International, EcoJustice, Smart Growth BC, the Dogwood Initiative, and other B.C. groups, I embrace real solutions to our environmental challenges, including climate change, and the movement to make them happen.

But in pressing for run-of-river, Berman and allies are only accelerating us down a doomed path that will destroy precious natural ecologies in British Columbia without making any significant dent in global warming, and undermine the work of many environmentalists in the process.

There is a far better course of action, however, that would not divide environmentalists but excite them and motivate the larger citizenry. Let me explain.

Climate myopia

At first glance, run-of-river power seems pretty benign. Without recourse to large dams, RoR diverts stream water into turbines, and then returns it to the river downstream. In many rural areas, such projects have been in operation as small-scale sources of power for generations.

But as proposed in B.C., RoR is on a far larger scale. And its numerous side effects are now well known: Destructive construction in wild rivers and intact habitats, new roads and penstocks carved through wilderness areas, long transmission lines.

The list of concerns for RoR in B.C. goes on: the potential privatization of up to 500 streams and rivers, the realization that the systems will work well only during spring run-off, the gold rush mentality that has identified some thousands of potential sites across the province, the industrial scale of most of the projects, and the government/industry push that eschews careful planning by removing local decision-making authority.

Recently Berman’s new organization, PowerUp, held a well-attended meeting in Vancouver to promote RoR on a massive scale in B.C. Berman gets lots of support from power companies, political leaders and climate scientists, including UVic’s Andrew Weaver who, in a Vancouver Sun article, attacked “so-called environmentalists” (like me, I guess) who don’t agree with “what science shows to be necessary.” He dismisses as “outlandish” and “insidious” our concerns for protecting wilderness rivers and aesthetic viewscapes. We haven’t done “the math”; proposed policies “are very well understood.”

I would call this state of mind climate myopia — where climate change is essentially treated as the only environmental issue we face that, if we could somehow solve it, would allow us to get back to business as usual. Old growth forests, overfishing, fish farms, wild rivers? Back burner issues. We have to focus on climate change or else it’s all over.

All right then, let’s focus on really solving climate change — and why Berman and her allies are dead wrong.

Don’t raise supply, lower demand

As a “solution,” an important distinction must be made here, for RoR is a so-called supply-side solution, one to produce more energy. And even here, B.C.’s green energy won’t displace existing local sources of carbon-emitting energy because the power is destined for export to California. Despite this, a group of high profile environmentalists wrote in The Sun of the need for this new power because “our electric cars are going to have to get juice from somewhere.” These advocates do acknowledge the need to promote solutions on thedemand side by conserving energy. They note approvingly that the province plans to meet “more than half of BC’s new electricity demand with efficiency.”

Supporters of “alternative energy” also argue that it will create new “green jobs.” But what jobs? Construction workers in remote camps blasting rights-of-way through grizzly habitat to build RoR facilities on undeveloped rivers to provide seasonal power for export to Los Angelites who can now crawl in their electric cars guilt free along the freeway?

Environmentalists have long been fond of saying that the economy is a subset of the ecology. But not Berman’s brigade whose RoR strategies take the economic growth trajectory (and its accompanying energy trajectory) as a given. At best, Berman calls for “more sustainable development.”

But wait. Is “more sustainable development” about new electric cars, newpower supplies, new energy exports, efficiency to meet new demand? Is there not a problem here? In a country with some of the highest per capita energy usage levels on the planet, where is the discussion of seriously reducingenergy demand overall and doing it for the long term?

Increasing efficiency and generating new “alternative” sources of supply will never get us past the climate crunch because they confront a central contradiction: continuous economic growth that will just swallow up whatever gains are made, all the while upping the environmental impacts.

Can someone please explain how we can get past this contradiction except byreducing total energy demand, and developing economic strategies that will allow us to do so permanently?

Naming the problem

Taking the problem of economic growth seriously will not make you popular with the mainstream. But doing so actually offers tangible lessons. Here are three obvious ones:

1) We should not embark on destructive new supplies until demand reductions have been exhausted — to death.

2) We should not look at just simple efficiency gains in existing processes but at whole new ways of designing our economy that inherently reduce energy flows.

3) We should consider new sources of supply only later and only where each renewable watt is directly tied to retiring an old carbon-based one.

So the climate emergency may not be about building more river utilities after all. Maybe we would do better to work together to stop new infrastructure investments like the new 10-lane Port Mann Bridge, a bridge for more cars, and without light rail. And to do this as part of a full-on campaign to refashion the whole face of urban transportation not just in the Lower Mainland but worldwide.

But this doesn’t fit with the one truth that all political leaders agree on: we must keep the growth machine on stimulants.

A new model of development

These leaders have successfully exported this ideology to places like China, the most populous place on earth. With China’s commitment to a coal-fired future of ever increasing production and consumption, exports and trade, a car for every household, one must ask: What have we unleashed here? Is there any vision of development that is both as universal and as inappropriate to the survival of the planet as this?

Talking about how we might get past this ideology and its contradictions is a taboo. But no one was talking about Wall Street’s duplicity a year ago either. It took a collapse for that.

For B.C., this contradiction has a very specific import: given China’s growth trajectory, what sense could it make to compromise one of the great river regions on the planet for minimal practical effect? It IS one atmosphere after all.

Climate scientists do not like to think about this. But when you do, you see the second, and more difficult, “inconvenient truth” of climate change — the limits of a model of development that depends on always more growth, and more energy to fuel it. That is to say, the PowerUp strategy.

Just as global warming was until recently marked by widespread denial, so too denial of the problematic of growth economics is omnipresent today.

Confronting the tough truth of economic limits by actually trying to think and work past the growth paradigm opens up great possibilities. Call it the strategy of “growing into no-growth.”

Instead of blasting in new supply projects to fuel electric cars, why not talk about how to build “car-free” cities? Here we might start to save the earth, and save money too. After all, if a car costs about $10,000 per year to own and run, a “demand reduction” strategy could reduce not only energy needs, but financial burdens on people. A strategy with a “double dividend,” long term.

Instead of seeking more profits from power exports to California, why not work like crazy to reduce our food imports from that distant state with a massive commitment to enhance local food production right here? The same energy reduction benefits would result, and creating a true green economy (literally).

Who’s being ‘realistic’?

The retort, of course, is that such ideas aren’t politically realistic.

Not so, says one of the gurus of energy planning, Vaclav Smil of the University of Manitoba. On the contrary, he argues that the history of creating new energy supply systems has shown that the challenges are so enormous that “none of the promises for greatly accelerated energy transitions will be realized.” Message: it’s the renewable energy folks who aren’t realistic.

Meanwhile, the distinguished American geographer David Harvey points out in an April 2 interview in DemocracyNow! that the global economy was worth $4 trillion in 1950 and is now at $56 trillion. With all hands on deck to stimulate it way past even that, and to do so for as far into the future as anyone can contemplate, we are hitting the “limits environmentally, socially, politically…. In other words, we have to think about a zero-growth economy.” Message: it’s the whole economistic agenda that’s unrealistic.

In the competition of unrealities, I will throw my lot in with those who would create new political possibilities. At least we would be working with the feedback we are getting from nature, not continuing to work against it.

Environmental politics for this century

To ensure the success of avowedly green energy projects, governments in British Columbia and Ontario now promise to pay big subsidies for more power, and they have rewritten provincial legislation to prevent local communities from deciding whether they want these development proposals. In contrast, in the United States, the federal government is looking at new forms of neighbourhood governance that might refashion all forms of resource and energy use at the community level.

Actually empowering citizens to try out new things where they live entails a form of what Harvard law professor Roberto Unger calls “democratic experimentalism.” DemocracyNow! calls it “deep democracy.” Not here.

For citizens in this province, a choice presents itself. Does climate change demand an impossible technological response to “power up” new sources of energy to fuel an impossibly expanding political economy?

Or does it demand an active democratic response that can inspire a new movement to “power down” into a calmer economy, and a livable future?

When you push past our collective denial, most people know the answer here. But they don’t know how to do it. As the climate clock ticks, this is the real work to be done.

PowerUp? No thanks.

PowerDown? Sign me up!

Carole James Masters Bill Good’s Show

On the day before Gordon Campbell cynically drops the election writ into a province that he usually refuses to respect or answer to, BC NDP leader Carole James visited the Bill Good show and hits serial home runs, proving she’s for more able to be premier than Gordon Campbell.

Despite his show often sounding like a hazing ritual, Bill Good actually peppers guests with hearty, relevant questions that ensure lightweights show up as such. BC’s next premier put fastball after fastball out of the park.

As much as I’d like the NDP to run on a platform of temporal mechanics, simply erasing 8 years of Gordon Campbell carnage Carole James is running on a pragmatic platform, recognizing that as government they won’t be able to change everything the neoLiberal onslaught has wrought.

But that won’t stop the NDP government from doing what leaders ought to do: ensure responsible behaviour, not embrace extreme laissez-faire operations to the detriment of everything but global corporate profits.

James committed to keeping the Port Mann bridge and South Fraser Perimeter Road capital projects. The bridge will reflect the progressive HOV and transit elements that the NDP pushed for despite the neoLiberals’ goal of privatizing the whole thing. She also stressed alternative routes and new funding for Translink to allow it to remove the last fare increases. Why? Transit actually matters.

What she didn’t mention on the radio show was that the NDP platform commits to repealing Bill 43, BC’s very own 21st century “taxation without representation” bill that allows the Translink board to operate with billions of our tax dollars without being accountable to any political level. It’s the VANOC theft model run amok.

James also acknowledged that there would be 3 years of deficits before a 4th year balanced budget instead of Campbell’s 2 years of deficits. She justified it by saying this plan puts people first by giving relief to middle income people and small businesses. This radical model was astonishingly successful in that socialist bastion of…the United States of America where 6 months ago, Barrack Obama did the same thing, while not giving breaks to the hyper-rich. That seemed to go over quite well and it will here too!

More evidence that the NDP government actually plans to govern rests in her desire to make sure there is an actual business plan for the new roof on the 26-year-old BC Place Stadium instead of it being a vast money pit like the convention centre, whose cost overrun exceeded all the fast ferries of the last NDP government. So much of the neoLiberals pulling out that tired argument again.

More good news came with her commitment to help communities assess whether a closed school has value to the community before selling off the land, part of Campbell’s mass forced-privatization regime.

She also opposed the neoLiberals’ arbitrary ruling to keep BC Hydro from developing any new power in favour of private power development and purchasing contracts designed to bankrupt BC Hydro–an easy way to avoid privatizing it. Pledging a moratorium, then more thorough holistic environmental review is only common sense, but not possible to an ideologically-driven neoLiberal government obsessed with destroy public ownership of anything.

Finally, forests. What a scene of absolute carnage from the neoLiberals. The NDP’s plan is to tax raw log exports to encourage domestic value added production. They’re also commited to tenure reform to provide innovative mills with access to fibre, and renew silviculture and reforestation.

These kind of sound stewardship plans highlight how the neoLiberals’ goal was not concern for developing the economy of the province they are elected to manage, but to seek hyper-efficiencies on a global level on behalf of global corporate elites. This kind of global free market mania has led to the crisis in capitalism we are witnessing now.

And look who’s suffering from this capitalist meltdown: citizens, workers, the poor. Who’s getting bailouts? Massive corporations. With an Ipsos poll last week showing that Canadians are split on even bailing out the Canadian auto makers at all, people have realized that governments like Gordon Campbell’s neoLiberals clearly aren’t in it for us. They’re in it for the corporate agenda that begs for public tax dollar bailouts when they crash their own business models. That kind of extortion is repulsive to more and more people, as we are now seeing it for what it is: cynical, irresponsible and unjustifiably risky corporate behaviour since they expect citizens to bail them out–with corporate bonuses–even as we are losing homes and jobs.

The BC NDP has realized this and frankly, it hasn’t had to alter its policies to meet the needs and desires of voting British Columbians, because the NDP, all the way back to its CCF roots, realizes that people matter and a healthy economy that meets humans’ needs is better than economic slavery to global corporate greed.

So well done, Carole James. Bill Good was full of fastballs, but you connected on them and put them all over the centre-left field wall.

Gullible Gord: A Compendium of Campbell’s Fear and Desperation

“Incompetence is combined with thoughtlessness, arrogance and hubris — a fatal mix.”

via Spare Us from Gullible Gord :: Views :: thetyee.ca.

Rarely is there an article that so succinctly lists evidence of Campbell’s extraordinary dislocation from reality, worship of neoliberalism and disregard for citizens and communities. Rape and pillage for the lowest financial return is bad policy. These people have to go!

Read this piece and forward it widely! With the Bil 42 gag law, it is viral distribution of the destructiveness of BC’s neoLiberals that will bring them down.

“Lord Stern on global warming: It’s even worse than I thought”

“Sea levels are likely to rise twice as fast as predicted in the last UN climate change report in 2007.”

via Lord Stern on global warming: It’s even worse than I thought – Climate Change, Environment – The Independent.

As governments continue to craft optics-friendly greenwashing plans while ramping up highways construction, etc., I keep reading reports that estimates from as little as 2-3 years ago were too conservative as new data shows accelerating climate change effects.

Nero fiddled and we’re worried about how to afford a new car during this economic crash!

Stupid.

Crown Corporations: Start Exercising Your Ownership!

BC has had crown corporations for such a long time that people have forgotten that we all actually own them. People who don’t resent taxes sometimes describe them as “how we buy things together.” Crown corporations are how we get things done together.

Gordon Campbell’s neoLiberal party and a host of other right wing, free market worshiping, hyper-individualistic, privatization fiends are carving up, selling off and giving away our crowns because they hate that all of us own and do things together. They don’t play well with others.

If we don’t quickly figure out that we own our crowns, we’ll lose them all. And if you want to keep owning them, you need to vote out Gordon Campbell on May 12th.

Crowns exist in part because of the idea of natural monopolies, something economists speak of when they talk about an industry or sector where the costs of getting into the business are prohibitively high, so really only one organization should be the sector. Large scale infrastructure elements fit that description: hydro-electric dams, electricity transmission, highways, ferries, bridges, tunnels, water, sewage, car insurance, education, healthcare, telephone, cable TV. The public fronts massive cash, then takes the profit from the crowns, or intentionally subsidizes losses for a greater social good.

So let’s examine some of the public crowns that have been intentionally impaired after years of BC’s neoLiberal rampage to the point that they are becoming like regulated private utilities.

Before he got elected in 2001, Gordon Campbell promised to not sell BC Hydro. He also promised not to rip up public sector labour contracts. Whoops. So he split up BC Hydro: electricity, transmission and administration [which he sends  off to Accenture], then he arbitrarily forbids BC Hydro from generating any new power so that the equivalent of electricity used car salesmen can destroy our rivers for electrical price gouging. This is a perfect tactic to allow circumstances he created to destroy BC Hydro’s ability to exist, without having to actually kill it himself.

He promised to not sell BC Rail, so he leased it for the obscene 999 years to CN for $1 billion, the process of which is now the subject of a massive, delayed court case which if it is ever completed could crash Campbell’s government.

Along with electricity and rail, the neoLiberals have assaulted BC Ferries. It was created generations ago to ensure the public was in control of our water highways. As a crown corporation it was owned by the government–us. Gordon Campbell changed it into a private corporation, whose sole share is owned by the BC Ferry Authority. The provincial government still owns $75 million in BC Ferries’ assets, but the Ferry Authority has voting authority over BC Ferries.

That sounds like splitting hairs, but it surely is not. Even though the BC Ferry Authority has a board appointed by the government, this new arm’s length private corporation keeps its financial books to itself and is not subject to freedom of information requests.

BC Ferries then tried to sell off its routes to investors and built gas guzzling ferries in Germany after precluding BC firms from bidding on the contracts for the new ferries. Neither of these actions are in the best interests of British Columbians doing things together through a crown corporation. The new private corporation model serves these goals well.

So when BC Ferries pays for ads at GM Place that say–sit down for this one–”BC Ferries” on the boards of Canucks games and on the big, fluffy dome under the hanging scoreboard, I wonder why they feel the need to advertise. I suppose it is because people who can afford to sit in seats that allow them to see the underside of the scoreboard can afford to fly to and from Vancouver Island by helicopter or plane, so reminding them of the ferry is good marketing. That’s the best spin I can see with that when in the big picture, advertising the ferries is like advertising which highway to drive to Whistler.

And since BC Ferries is a private corporation, I cannot send in a freedom of information request for their insane marketing plan. And when I phoned to ask about it, Mark Stefanson, BC Ferries’ Vice-President of Public Affairs did not phone back to explain the big fluffy BC Ferries ad under the GM Place scoreboard.

And while not technically a crown corporation any more, we [through the government] still own its assets and appoint its directors. And as long as we continue to forget that despite splitting hairs, we still own BC Ferries, they’ll continue to operate in some corporate interest that is not the same as the interests of those who own its assets and indirectly appoint its directors.

Switching out of public crown corporation abuse to publicly regulated private utilities, we have Telus. Formerly BC Tel, it has existed for over a century providing human-centered communication services for much of that time.

More recently, Telus realized it was actually a for-profit corporation competing on a global playing field with the biggest, craftiest telecom firms in the world. So it began acting like that by expanding into providing various other organizational services, like contracting the payroll services for the Calgary Board of Education and Health Region and mangling them to hair-pulling dimensions.

And now in a fit of irony-free silliness, Telus has outsourced its own customer service phone calls. Yes, the phone company has hired another company to have its employees phone Telus customers to see if they are happy with Telus. Every time I’ve been called by “Telus” for a customer service check in recent months, the person calling says they are calling from “‘insert random company’ on behalf of Telus.” And some of the callers are very tired of hearing people complain that the phone company has outsourced its own customer service.

And now that Shaw Cable is moving into the telephone business, they are calling people to see if they’d like to switch from Telus. One of Shaw’s arguments is that they hire Canadians for customer service calls. Telus International operates North American call centre support in the Philippines and soon, India.

So when I phoned Shawn Hall in Telus’ media relations to ask why the phone company is outsourcing customer services calls, he said he’d have someone in the know call me back with an explanation. Like BC Ferries, that didn’t happen, even though Shawn Hall has stooped to spin-doctoring Telus’ bad reputation in IT employee gripe forums.

And while I wouldn’t expect a private utility to actually put its customers first like a crown corporation should, it is evident that the corporate model that Telus embodies has been creeping dangerously into BC’s public crown corporations as Gordon Campbell marketizes and privatizes them.

On May 12 when we vote for a new government in BC, we simply need to decide if we want to pay taxes to buy things together and use crown corporations to do things together. If you do, vote for the NDP. If you want monolithic, unresponsive, Enron-style global corporations managing our natural monopolies, vote in Gordon Campbell’s neoLiberal government for a third time.

Because, honestly, the ego that Gordon Campbell swims in is such that given a third mandate, he’ll rule far more like a monarch than we have ever seen to this point. And you can kiss goodbye public ownership of anything.

 
  
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